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Showing posts with label Texas. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Texas. Show all posts

Wednesday, July 29, 2015

Former Tech employee indicted on felony theft charges to feed lottery addiction




Former Tech employee indicted on felony theft charges

Douglas Sims blames actions on addiction to Texas Lottery

Posted: July 28, 2015

Sims
Sims
A former Texas Tech employee told a Lubbock police detective he stole from the university and from two other businesses to support his addiction to playing the Texas Lottery.
A Lubbock County grand jury indicted Tuesday Douglas Sims on a three third-degree felony counts of theft between $20,000 to $100,000.
Prosecutors accuse Sims of stealing thousands of items from three companies including Tech and pawned them at four pawn shops and at a metal scrap yard in Lubbock, according to an arrest warrant.
Sims later told Lubbock police Det. Bradley McMahan he initially lied to him about not stealing Tech property to save his job.
Sims is listed as an asbestos compliance manager for Tech’s engineering services, according to the Tech staff directory online.
However, officials said Sims’ indictment only alleges items stolen from two contracting companies.
More charges alleging theft from Tech may follow, the officials said.
Tech spokesman Chris Cook said Sims was fired earlier this month.
McMahan reported he went through a database pawn shops and jewelry stores update and discovered Sims received more than $56,000 from selling 1,076 items from pawn shops between January 2012 to June 27, the warrant states.
The items pawned included surveying equipment such as a level, a survey magnet and tripods; construction equipment such as a drill, a grinder and a power inverter; and air testing equipment such as a vaporizer, a pump and a microscope.
The items belonged to Wilkerson Properties and to X8 Environmental, for whom Sims worked on a part-time or contractual basis.
The owners of the firms said Sims had authority to use the property but not to pawn it.
After conducting surveillance on Sims, McMahan interviewed Sims at his office at Tech.
The detective reported Sims knew why he was there and admitted to pawning the property to pay back loans.
Sims initially denied stealing Tech property, but later admitted to stealing from the school.
McMahan reported Sims confessed to his employers he stole their property and was willing to return the property and make amends.
Sims left the detective a voicemail saying “I got pretty stupid there, and greedy.”
Sims also provided a list of items he pawned without permission, the warrant states.
Sims blamed his actions on his addiction to playing the Texas Lottery. He told McMahan his gambling addiction nearly cost him his marriage.
McMahan reported Sims gave him consent to search his vehicle and the detective found golf clubs, pawn tickests and literature on addiction recovery, the warrant states.
Sims was arrested July 14 and was released on bond July 17, according to court records.
A third-degree felony carries a punishment of two to 10 years in prison.

http://lubbockonline.com/crime-and-courts/courts/2015-07-28/former-tech-employee-indicted-felony-theft-charges#.Vbi2X7NVhHw


Tuesday, April 9, 2013

Casino gambling in Texas is a bad bet.


Casino gambling in Texas is a bad bet.


Posted on Apr 4, 2013

Slot Machines
Listen to the broadcast of You Tell Me on KTBB AM 600, Friday, March 22, 2013.


Your state senators and representatives are currently in Austin cooking something up that I think we should carefully think about. There is a proposed amendment to the Texas constitution floating around that, if approved by voters, would not only permit casino gambling in Texas, would serve to make the State of Texas the dealer.

That’s because the measure wouldn’t simply make it legal to set up a casino. I might could support that idea, particularly if it were a local option. But that’s not the proposal. Instead, the measure would, according to its language, create “immediate additional revenue” by “…creating the Texas Gaming Commission, and authorizing and regulating the operation of casino games and slot machines by a limited number of licensed operators and certain Indian tribes.”

In other words, put the State of Texas in the position of creating a casino gambling cartel and then profiting from people who shovel the rent money down a slot machine.

I’m not moralizing here. I’m not arguing against gambling per se. I’m enough of a libertarian to say that if you want to piss away your paycheck at the blackjack table, it’s your business. But I don’t think the state should be in the position of hoping that you do. What’s legal isn’t necessarily right. (And it should be noted that I defend gambling as a matter of your business only with the caveat that how you pay for food, shelter, clothing and transportation when the money is gone is also your business.)

As an argument in favor of casino gambling, proponents point to the economic and tax revenue impact of Texans leaving the state to visit casinos in Louisiana and Oklahoma. Better to keep that revenue in the state they say.

But by that argument, you could make the case for the state getting into the prostitution business. States, in my opinion, waste time and money trying, with little success, to stamp prostitution out. The argument could be made that since prostitution is going to happen anyway, the state should form a State Prostitution Commission that would license, regulate and tax the sex-for-hire industry.
I believe that would be wrong for two reasons.

First, my inner libertarian again speaks up. If two parties agree to have sex, it’s none of the state’s business. Whether or not money changes hands is incidental. But that will never make prostitution honorable.

And thus my second argument. It is fundamentally wrong for the state to have a financial interest in you hiring a hooker. Prostitution is not like the responsible consumption of alcohol. Prostitution in any amount is depraved. It is the worst sort of misogyny. Its practitioners almost to a person lead lives riddled by physical and psychological injury. That they choose to do so is their business. But the state should have no truck with it.

Which leads to my argument against the current proposal for casino gambling. By the simple economic fundamentals of a casino, in order for the casino to make money, the player has to lose money. Just as the state shouldn’t hope that anyone would go hire a hooker, it shouldn’t hope that anyone lose money. Some people can afford to lose money. Most can’t.

As for the tax revenue justification: whatever tax revenue a government generates it spends. The country’s current fiscal situation absolutely screams in support of the idea that rather than look for new sources of revenue, government at every level should be looking for ways to need less of it.

Feeding the beast only makes him bigger and stronger. Our only hope for economic survival is to starve him.

The state being de facto in the casino business is a bad idea. If the idea survives the legislative session, let’s hope it dies at the ballot box.

http://www.ktbb.com/youtellme/2013/04/04/casino-gambling-in-texas-is-a-bad-bet/comment-page-1/

Tuesday, December 11, 2012

Mgr. Pulls Gun at Illegal Texas Slot Barn






Police called to Northwest Dallas gaming room after manager allegedly pulls gun on unhappy slot-machine winner



Omar Mahamed had a choice early this morning: Either he could keep the location of an illegal gaming room off Denton Drive and Royal Lane a secret, or he could call 911 to report the man threatening to shoot him with a semi-automatic. He chose the latter.

Police records show that at 1:30 Monday morning, Mahamed called police to a room filled with slot machines on Leo Lane, a nondescript stretch of warehouses in Northwest Dallas. According to the report, Mahamed told police he and another witness were inside playing the slots when he hit a winner. Only, his machine didn’t pay out.

Mahamed told the 911 operator he went to the man in charge — described as a “an older Asian male last seen wearing jeans, blue jacket and white tennis shoes” — to complain. He was told, sorry, but that machine isn’t working properly, which wasn’t good enough for Mahamed, who wanted his payout. Records show they spoke for a while, at which point the suspect “approached a desk by a mattress and pulled out an [unknown] type weapon,” later described as a “brown semi auto.” The man told Mahamed to get out.

“Fearing the suspect would use the weapon,” says the report, Mahamed and his buddy went outside and called 911, at which point they recounted their plight to the police operator. He also said there were at least 20 people inside who’d witnessed the incident.

Only, when police got there, says the report, no one was around. An officer knocked, rang the bell — nothing: “It is unclear if the suspect was inside or had left before the investigation officer arrived,” says the report. And that’s that. For now. Dallas police say the case has been forwarded to vice.

http://crimeblog.dallasnews.com/2012/12/police-called-to-northwest-dallas-gaming-room-after-manager-allegedly-pulls-gun-on-unhappy-slot-machine-winner.html/

Monday, September 24, 2012

Gambling Addict Stealing to Feed Addiction



Authorities: Felony theft suspect and gambling addict found in casino
Submitted by KLTV Web Staff
Tuesday, September 18th, 2012

Lynn Dorsey Smith. (Source: Harrison County Sheriff's Office)Lynn Dorsey Smith. (Source: Harrison County Sheriff's Office)

HARRISON COUNTY, TX (KLTV)- Harrison County investigators have located a felony theft suspect who was believed to be stealing items and pawning them to fuel his gambling addiction.

The Harrison County Sheriff's Office says Lynn Dorsey Smith was located and arrested after a tip came in on Tuesday afternoon.

Smith was found by security at a casino in Shreveport.

According to authorities, Smith may have a gambling addiction, and has pawned several items which were reported missing in a Harrison County theft investigation in July.

The items have been pawned in Louisiana pawn shops, both in Bossier City and in Shreveport, leading investigators to believe Smith may be in the Shreveport area.

http://longview.kltv.com/news/news/90597-authorities-felony-theft-suspect-and-gambling-addict-found-casino


Felony theft suspect arrested in Bossier Parish
Posted: Sep 18, 2012
Tuesday, September 18, 2012
Posted by Carolyn Roy

SHREVEPORT, LA (KSLA) -
Investigators credit a caller tip and security at the casinos in the Shreveport-Bossier area for the quick capture of a man wanted for felony theft out of Harrison County, Texas.

Authorities asked for the public's assistance Tuesday morning in locating Lynn Dorsey Smith, who they suspected was frequenting the casinos in Shreveport.

According to investigators, Smith allegedly has a gaming addiction and has pawned several items taken in a theft that occurred in Harrison County during July. Among the stolen items: shop tools, a drill press, log splitter, saws, air compressors, yard equipment and generators.

Investigators believed Smith, 60, to be in the Shreveport area due to the items being pawned in the Louisiana pawn shops in both Bossier City and Shreveport.

An arrest warrant was issued for felony theft. He was arrested Tuesday afternoon at an apartment near the Louisiana Downs Racetrack in Bossier City, and is now in the Bossier Parish Jail.

http://www.wdam.com/story/19574985/felony-theft-suspect-sought-in-shreveport



Monday, July 2, 2012

Lottery: Preying on the Poor


At the same time Massachusetts Treasurer Steve Grossman is promoting sucking $$$ from the poor in another lottery scheme, others are revealing that the Emperor has no clothes.




Will Massachusetts pols notice?


Dallas NAACP wants to do away with the Texas Lottery
Published: 7/01/12



The NAACP branch in Dallas is taking on the Texas Lottery. The group wants to eliminate the lottery, because it preys on the poor.
Juanita Wallace, the president of the Dallas chapter claims there are many more lottery sales venues set up in poor areas of that city, than in middle- and upper-income neighborhoods.
"Research shows that there are more poor people that purchase these lottery tickets and scratch-offs than the people that can actually afford it: the middle and upper class," says Wallace.
The Texas Lottery Commission denies the claims, but does admit that the people most likely to play the popular “Pick Three” game earn less than $20,000 a year and that unemployed people are most likely to buy scratch off tickets.
The Baptist General Convention of Texas says it too, is pressing state officials to axe the lottery. Both groups claim the Texas lottery hasn't been the cash-cow for school funding that many people thought it would be.
 
 
http://www.woai.com/news/local/story/Dallas-NAACP-wants-to-do-away-with-the-Texas/L86Zk1rvREaRlk2nmkAyaw.cspx

Saturday, June 2, 2012

Gambling Addict Charged in Murder of Poker Player




Gambling Addict Charged in Murder of Poker Player



It has been 3 months since Ethan Nguyen was stabbed to death in his Plano, Texas home. Up until this point there had been no news stories on this death as the police were keeping it under tight wraps as they investigated. They have now charged fellow poker player and close friend Peter Phuc Hong Tran in the murder.

Both Ethan Nguyen and Peter Tran were 2/5 regulars at local casinos. They were very close and even travelled/stayed together on trips to other casinos. My understanding is that they were planning to travel to Riverwind Casino the following weekend due to a monthly splash pot promotion going on up there.

From my perspective, Ethan was a professional poker player (semi-pro who was also a hair stylist) and Peter was an aspiring pro who was being mentored by Ethan (I was under the assumption that Peter did not have another job, but that could be incorrect). Ethan was pretty flamboyant with his money and was known to carry $10k-15k on his person. Apparently Peter had borrowed money from many players including Ethan. Based on the news article, it appears the police believe that Peter killed Ethan for money to fuel his gambling addiction. Neither the murder weapon nor the $10k stolen has been found.

I hope this story serves as a reminder to all about the risks that even today still exist in this business. Caution should be heeded even with those you trust.

Dallas Morning News Article: http://www.dallasnews.com/news/commu...n-stabbing.ece

Monday, May 14, 2012

Texas teachers’ pension fund invests in casinos, loses $99 million




Texas teachers’ pension fund invests in casinos, loses $99 million

http://www.dallasnews.com/investigations/headlines/20120512-texas-teachers-pension-fund-invests-in-casinos-loses-99-million.ece
May 12, 2012

By STEVE McGONIGLE The Dallas Morning News Staff Writer

First of two parts


As public investments go, this one looked like a roll of the dice.

But the Teacher Retirement System of Texas wanted a big win, so it put $100 million into the buyout of a Las Vegas gaming company called Station Casinos.
The company went bankrupt, and like many an unlucky jackpot-chaser, the state’s largest pension fund walked away a loser. More than $99 million of Texas teachers’ retirement money had vanished.
“There is no getting around it,” said Britt Harris, the fund’s chief investment officer. “This was a bad investment.”
It wasn’t the only one. Between April 2006 and last September, the teacher fund saw the value of its “opportunistic,” or high-risk, real estate deals drop by $599 million, a data analysis by The Dallas Morning News found.
In all categories of real asset investments, including real estate, the worth of the TRS portfolio fell by more than $1 billion over that same period, according to the evaluation by The News.
A spokesman for the teacher fund disputed the newspaper’s calculations The News on Friday, contending the decreases in high-risk real estate values were much less.
TRS is the nation’s fifth-largest public pension provider, with current assets of $110 billion. It serves 1.3 million public education employees, about one-fourth of whom are retired.
Like many pension plans, TRS faces a widening gap between assets and long-term obligations, a result of market volatility, tight state budgets and a rising tide of retirees. Last year, this unfunded liability reached $24 billion and forced the teacher fund to continue a decadelong freeze on increases in benefit payments.
The response by TRS and other funds has been to shift from traditional stocks and bonds toward alternatives that offer higher returns but present larger risks.
TRS has a higher share invested in alternative assets — 31 percent — than any of the 10 largest public pension funds, according to Preqin, a London-based research firm.
Harris and other Texas fund officials credit the diversification with helping TRS to weather the global financial crisis better than most pension funds. In 2011, TRS had one of the highest returns of any state pension fund.
TRS spokesman Howard Goldman, in a summary provided Friday, said more recent data than his office initially released to The News paints an upbeat picture of the last six years. When earnings are included, Goldman said, opportunistic investments have dropped $250 million, and the entire real asset portfolio gained $430 million.
Critics contend alternatives are too risky, too costly and not transparent enough. They predict the investments will falter, leaving taxpayers with a massive bailout bill.
Edward Siedle, a Florida lawyer who has investigated several public pension systems, including TRS, said the Texas fund’s alternative investments were typical. “We see every single day public pensions investing in schemes that make no sense and are doomed to fail,” he said.
The $99 million Station Casinos loss was modest by TRS standards, said Harris, the chief investment officer. “No loss is insignificant. It’s still real money,” he said. “But it hasn’t affected the [overall] return on the fund.”
Nothing, however, in the TRS portfolio quite matches the casino deal for implausibility or colorful settings. By investing in Station, TRS backed a politically connected Las Vegas family, in a city on the brink of a real estate catastrophe, and an activity — casino gambling — that is illegal in Texas.
That investment and a related transaction also featured a financial side trip to a disastrous entertainment mall in the New Jersey Meadowlands.
The $99 million was only part of the loss. Altogether, the Texas teacher fund committed $400 million to those privately managed investments. At last count, the market value was roughly one-third that amount.
It looked, TRS officials said, like a good deal at the time.
Investment revolution
The Texas Constitution prohibits the teacher fund from owning real estate, but managers have repeatedly tried to skirt that ban.
In the 1980s, loan defaults on commercial developments forced TRS to repossess almost 20 office buildings. Investment officials not only were accused of violating the constitutional ban but of mismanagement and conflicts of interest.
The TRS board flirted in the late 1990s with reviving the real estate program but shelved the idea under pressure from legislators.
Then came a lingering bear market. In 2002, the fund had its second straight year of losses and owed $3.2 billion more in long-term obligations than it had in assets.
A projected state budget deficit made help from the legislature improbable. State contributions, along with those from active members, account for about 25 percent of the fund’s annual revenues.
So in 2003, the TRS board voted to allocate more money to alternative assets, including real estate. Linus Wright, a former board chairman, said members felt they had no choice. “We had to have a better investment program,” he said. “So we did completely revolutionize.”
Trustees hired The Townsend Group, a nationally regarded real estate consulting firm, to devise an investment strategy. Next, they brought in Harris, a former hedge fund executive, to implement the new plan.
In April 2007, the Texas fund made headlines by announcing it would commit 35 percent of assets to such things as hedge funds, private equity or real estate. To comply with the constitutional ownership ban, investments would be made through limited partnerships.
Eric Lang was the TRS point man on real estate. Through Townsend, Lang said, he learned about a $4 billion fund called Colony Investors VIII that was advertising a portfolio of commercial property investments around the globe.
The fund was a type known as opportunistic. Such funds are considered high risk because of the amount of debt they assume and presumptions that properties are undervalued but will rise in worth.
The first deals in the pipeline were a management-led buyout of Station Casinos and the bailout of Meadowlands Xanadu, a stalled retail-entertainment project in the former swamplands of northern New Jersey.
Colony estimated returns at 15 percent or more. Lang was all in.
Vegas boom
Station Casinos was a Las Vegas success story, thanks to Frank Fertitta Jr. and his sons.
Fertitta was a former Galveston resident who began work in Las Vegas as a hotel bellman and rose to the status of local legend.
His great uncles were Sam and Rose Maceo, kingpins of a Galveston gambling empire that dominated the island city for four decades.
The state closed the Maceos’ operations in 1957. Some of the family moved to Las Vegas, where Sam Maceo helped finance the Desert Inn, an early Strip casino.
Organized crime ran much of Las Vegas then, and Fertitta managed mob-backed casinos before opening his own business. He was investigated for years for alleged cash skimming but was never charged with a crime.
He started what became Station Casinos in 1976 as a slot machine parlor attached to a motel. Unlike the glitzy gaming halls on the Strip that catered to tourists, Fertitta targeted local residents with cheap food, bingo and greater odds of winning.
His sons, Frank III and Lorenzo, joined the business after college. They assumed control when their father retired in 1993 and took the company public. (Frank Fertitta Jr. died in 2009.)
The brothers built Station into a giant. As Las Vegas grew, so did the number of casinos the Fertittas opened. They built or bought 15 in 14 years. They also gobbled up hundreds of acres of raw land on the edge of Las Vegas for future development.
“We’ve had a lot of stupid gunslingers in this market,” said David McKee, a Las Vegas journalist who writes a blog on the casino industry. “These guys, what they aimed at, they usually hit.”
One of their best bets was paying $2 million for the Ultimate Fighting Championship, a promoter of the mixed martial arts style of caged combat. Estimates of UFC’s current worth start at $1 billion.
Perhaps their biggest setback was the demise of a riverboat gambling operation in Missouri. The Fertittas sold out in 2000 and later paid $38 million to settle civil allegations that their attorney had obtained their gaming license by improper influence.
But by 2005, Station was rated as one of the best places to work in America, its stock was soaring and the Fertittas were on the cusp of becoming billionaires.
Still, the brothers felt stifled by Wall Street’s short-term vision. “Being private, it seemed like it had advantages in terms of our autonomy and then doing something that we wanted to do,” said Scott Nielson, Station’s chief development officer.
The Fertittas declined to be interviewed. Nielson agreed to answer some questions from The News.
He said the Fertittas were contacted by Colony Capital, a Los Angeles private equity firm, to explore a joint venture that would take Station private.
Colony was led by Tom Barrack , a charismatic investor who once advised Fort Worth financier Robert Bass. Barrack had built a storied career dealing in distressed properties.
Barrack said he was convinced that a buyout of Station made sense, and he agreed to a partnership with the Fertittas. The Las Vegas economy was booming, he said, and so was Station. “Kind of all the ingredients at the time were there,” he said.
On Dec. 1, 2006, Fertitta Colony Partners made an initial bid of $4.7 billion, or $82 per share, to Station’s stockholders.
Two weeks later, Barrack appeared before the Alternative Assets Committee of the Texas teachers’ fund board to pitch a $150 million investment in Colony Investors VIII, a major financier of the Station Casinos buyout.
Lang, the TRS real estate manager, made the staff presentation. He mentioned Station twice in recommending a commitment to Colony. The committee, and later the full nine-member board, gave unanimous approval.
Jersey Xanadu
The only other investment in Colony VIII that trustees heard Lang mention was Xanadu, an eclectic development with a name made famous by English poet Samuel Taylor Coleridge.
The project, spread over 104 acres of the New Jersey Meadowlands, was a combination shopping mall and entertainment complex. The plans included a large indoor ski slope, simulated skydiving tunnel and 30-foot chocolate waterfall.
There were environmental issues from the start, and concerns about the economic impact on an area rife with other malls. Critics fretted that the location near one of the busiest highway interchanges in the New York City area would worsen gridlock.
Construction delays and cost overruns had driven the price from $1.3 billion to $2 billion. The original developer, Mills Corp., was teetering on the brink of bankruptcy.
“I called this the Vietnam of malls,” said Jeff Tittel, director of the New Jersey Sierra Club, an early opponent.
As it emerged, the exterior would be ridiculed for its mix of shapes, colors and patterns. It was compared to children’s Lego blocks or a bar code. Critics bestowed the nickname “Xanadon’t.”
But where some saw disaster, Barrack saw gold. “It’s probably the best retail location ever,” he said. “Mills’ problem was capital structure. It wasn’t that they had a project that wouldn’t work.”
Colony Capital announced in 2006 that it was taking control of Xanadu and would spend $500 million to complete the project. The takeover was finalized just before Barrack made his investment pitch to the committee of the Texas teacher fund’s board.
Seven months after making the first $150 million investment with Colony, the teacher fund board agreed, at Lang’s urging, to double the amount.
Lang also pitched an additional, $100 million co-investment with Colony. Unlike the pool investment, which included multiple properties, the co-investment was solely directed toward the Station Casinos buyout. This boosted the teacher fund’s total commitment to Colony to $400 million.
Lang touted the success of the Fertittas’ company and called the brothers “very dynamic people.” He did not mention Station’s problems in Missouri and said in an interview this year that he was unaware of them.
Dory Wiley, a Dallas investment banker who chaired the committee that approved the Station and Colony investments, sounded one of the few cautionary notes by saying there was growing sensitivity about morality and public investing.
Wiley was one of a breed of less orthodox thinkers that Gov. Rick Perry appointed to the TRS board. He was a strong advocate for diversifying into alternative asset investments. He also had an ear for political reality.
“There may be a day where you bring a gambling deal to us, and it gets turned down,” Wiley told Colony’s chief investment officer, Jonathan Grunzweig.
But it was not that day.
Worst investment
The teacher fund invested in Station Casinos at a time when there were clear signs that the formerly robust Las Vegas economy was withering.
Housing in the area was hit especially hard by the subprime mortgage crisis. Foreclosures were rising, as was unemployment.
Because all but one of Station’s 17 casinos catered to Las Vegas-area residents, the company’s fortunes were tied less to tourism and more to the health of the local economy.
In July 2006, The Wall Street Journal had warned that Station was “a slave to the housing market,” and its shares could be hard hit should the real estate bubble in Las Vegas come to an end, as some analysts were projecting.
There was also a matter of debt. Station had $3.4 billion before the proposed buyout, and the $5.4 billion plan finally accepted by Station shareholders required steady growth in cash flow to service the debt.
The plan called for Colony to contribute $2.7 billion for a 76 percent share of the private company. The Fertitta family would put in $870 million and control 24 percent. The remaining capital would come from loans.
A few gaming analysts and state regulators raised the debt issue but were assured by the Fertittas and Barrack that the company could survive any economic downturn.
Decades of steady profits had made the casino industry feel invincible, said Bill Thompson, a retired professor of public administration at the University of Nevada, Las Vegas. “Nobody,” he said, “was worried about debt.”
Lang told The News that he vetted Colony Capital but relied on its own analysis of Station. He insisted that an appropriate amount of research was done. “Who knew that the markets would collapse like they did?” he said.
Texas law exempts documents deemed part of the due diligence process from public disclosure. As a private company, Colony is not required to reveal its research.
Trouble surfaced soon after the buyout in November 2007. The following February, Station conducted layoffs. It also revealed that earnings had been down sharply in the fourth quarter of 2007.
Then, in September 2008, came the bankruptcy of Lehman Brothers, the giant investment bank, and the virtual collapse of credit markets. The Las Vegas economy, and casino revenues, went into freefall.
The Texas teachers’ fund and other large institutional investors began to write down the value of their investments in Station.
Yet the Fertittas kept rolling. They announced a $10 billion casino development in Las Vegas, their biggest ever. With Station trying to renegotiate with its lenders, Frank Fertitta III paid $28 million for an oceanside home in Laguna Beach, Calif.
Time finally ran out on Station Casinos in July 2009. The company filed for Chapter 11 bankruptcy protection, citing $5.7 billion in assets and $6.4 billion in debts.
In August 2010, a bankruptcy court judge approved a deal that allowed the Fertittas to regain control of Station and most of its properties while shedding $4 billion in debt. Colony became a minor partner.
Barrack called the Station deal the worst investment of his career.
“That process, and the problem, and the fault, quite honestly, are mine,” he said in an interview. “It was on my watch. It was my team. It was my decision. It was my responsibility.”
The same month, Barrack surrendered control of Xanadu to a consortium of lenders. It was later sold to a Canadian mall developer, who renamed the project American Dream. It remains an empty shell.
Barrack called the New Jersey development “a disaster” but one that would have been avoided had his lenders held to their commitment. “It would probably be one of the most successful retail entertainment malls in the nation, for sure,” he said.
‘Old TRS’
The amount TRS lost in Xanadu is not publicly available. The market value of the $300 million TRS committed to the entire pool of 27 properties in Colony Investors VIII has dropped to $122 million, state records show.
A Colony spokesman declined to say how much of the TRS loss was attributable to Xanadu or the Station Casinos buyout. Barrack said investments are made on a proportional basis, with money put into every project in the pool.
Value increases from other properties in Colony’s pooled fund should rebound to allow TRS to earn back 110 percent of its investment, Barrack said.
TRS has written down its $100 million TRS co-investment in Station Casinos, and does not expect to recover the losses. The investment is now worth $516,000.
Station Casinos, meanwhile, seems to have turned a corner.
Revenues are rising. In February, Station announced that the Fertittas were planning to buy a 15 percent share held by JP Morgan Chase, which would give them 60 percent control of the company.
After two years of steep investment losses, the Texas teacher pension fund has rebounded to the level of assets it had before the financial crisis. An 11 percent return in 2010 earned Harris and 53 other investment staffers $9.7 million in bonuses.
The commitment to alternative assets remains strong, although results are mixed. Investments in private ventures have posted big gains. Opportunistic real estate investments continue to lag behind other types.
Harris said the Station Casinos investment was a vestige of “the old TRS.”
Since 2007, he said, the entire TRS investment process has been overhauled. The number of staff reviewing deals has been increased tenfold, he said, and there are more thorough risk assessments.
The casino investment did offer a painful lesson, Harris said.
“It’s not worth it to invest in the gaming industry,” he said. “We are not going to do this again.”
Staff writer James Drew in Austin contributed to this report.

KEY PLAYERS: Station Casinos deal

Thomas Britton “Britt” Harris
TRS Chief Investment Officer. Hired in 2006 to implement a more diversified investment strategy. Former chief executive officer of Bridgewater Associates, one of the nation’s largest hedge funds.
Eric Lang
TRS Real Assets Manager. Chief sponsor of the TRS investment in Colony Capital and Station Casinos.
Tom Barrack
Founder and chairman Colony Capital Inc., a Los Angeles-based real estate investment company. Personally pitched the investment in one of his investment funds, Colony Investors VIII, to the TRS board in 2006. Described as “the best real estate investor on the planet” in 2005 by Fortune magazine.
Frank Fertitta III
Chairman and chief executive officer of Station Casinos. Co-owner of Ultimate Fighting Championship.
Lorenzo Fertitta
Board member Station Casinos. Chairman and CEO of Ultimate Fighting Championship.

COMING MONDAY

The businessmen behind Station Casinos have been generous campaign contributors to Texas Gov. Rick Perry.

Sunday, April 1, 2012

Texas: Authorities ramp up efforts to stop illegal gambling

Authorities ramp up efforts to stop illegal gambling
By Philip Jankowski
Killeen Daily Herald

Bell County officials are taking aim at sweepstakes machines found in some local convenience stores and other possible illegal gambling operations.

"We're looking at what they're doing and what goes on in these places, and we think it is gambling," said First Assistant County Attorney Jim Nichols.

Sweepstakes machines resemble slot machines but purport to follow state guidelines that allow customers to win cash prizes above limits set by Texas gambling laws.

The county attorney's office is in the process of sending out cease-and-desist letters to businesses that operate the machines. So far, Nichols said law enforcement officials are only targeting machines in Temple.

Temple police Sgt. Brad Hunt said the department has an active investigation into the operations but did not comment further.

Bell County has seen an increase in gambling arrests recently. Twelve charges of misdemeanor gambling have been filed this year; five were filed in 2011, according to the county attorney's office.

Gatesville police officials closed a business Feb. 11 and seized suspected gambling equipment, but police in Copperas Cove and in other areas of Coryell County have not found any illegal operations.

Waco experienced a spate of eight-liner arrests last year, including a man who allegedly accepted Lone Star cards as compensation for entry. But there have been no arrests this year, said a Waco police spokesman.

In Killeen, arrests have resulted from what police are calling the operation of eight-liners, or video slot machines. Police arrested and charged three people in mid-March in connection to an alleged illegal gambling room near W.S. Young Drive. Police seized 15 eight-liners from the business.

No purchase to play

Texas law states that any game of chance requiring money for entry cannot award a prize valued at more than $5.

While games such as slot machines and eight-liners have an infinite amount of outcomes and randomly decide winners, sweepstakes have finite endings, winners and prizes.

To participate in sweepstakes games, people aren't required to make a purchase or pay to play. Instead, customers either buy a promotional item, such as beer, or pay a fee in the form of a cash donation to a charitable cause outlined by the business.

Sweepstakes entry requires a post-marked letter to the business running the games, with various limitations preventing people from gaining large amounts of free entries. The sweepstakes also have set start and end dates as well as finite amounts of winners and prizes, which must be determined before the sweepstakes begin.

But Nichols sees problems with these kind of sweepstakes guidelines, he said. "What's to keep these people from saying we have a billion entries or even a trillion?"

Organized gambling

Criminal charges related to gambling are divided into two charges: keeping a gambling place and possession of gambling equipment. Both crimes are class-A misdemeanors.

But Bell County prosecutors have used money laundering and organized crime statutes to elevate charges to felonies.

In the cases against Ban Sa Vong, 46, Hung Viet He, 42, and Hien Xieu La, 57, the district attorney's office accused the defendants of engaging in organized crime. The three were arrested after Killeen police closed Tournament Gaming Center on March 19.

Bell County prosecutor Mike Waldman said when three or more people work together to commit an illegal activity, then they qualify for organized crime charges, the charge is a state jail felony with a maximum sentence of two years in prison.

Violators also may be subject to money laundering charges if they are found to have earned more than $1,500 through the gambling operations. The charge is also a state jail felony but can be elevated when earnings top $20,000 and again when more than $100,000 is seized.

Killeen police used the money laundering code to arrest Pil Nam Salisbury, 66, and Sang Rae Lee, 41, on felony charges Oct. 5. Officers seized more than $11,000 from a business and bank accounts associated with two businesses containing suspected eight-liners. Both were charged with money laundering of more than $1,500 but less than $20,000.

Lee pleaded guilty to possession of a gambling device Feb. 28 and was sentenced to 30 days in jail. Salisbury's case has not been resolved.

Saturday, March 31, 2012

Politicians placing bets

COLUMN-Politicians placing bets: David Cay Johnston

By David Cay Johnston

March 30 (Reuters) - Politicians in both parties are betting that allowing more gambling will make them winners at the polls by raising revenue without appearing to raise taxes.

Governors Andrew Cuomo of New York and Steve Beshear of Kentucky, both Democrats, each want seven casinos.

In Kansas, where the state owns casinos, Governor Sam Brownback, a Republican, wants more gambling money to pay down state debts.

In Minnesota, Governor Mark Dayton of the Democratic-Farmer-Labor party wants more gambling to finance a new stadium for the privately owned Vikings football team.

Florida legislators are mulling three casinos, one in Miami. Illinois lawmakers may allow a casino in Chicago.

In Texas, Governor Rick Perry says he opposes more gambling. Yet eight years ago he called the legislature into special session to allow gambling at the gas pumps to help finance schools (). He lost that bet.

Egging on these and other politicians is anti-tax crusader Grover Norquist, who has made "tax" the vilest four-letter word in American politics. Norquist wrote Texas politicians a letter in January saying that more gambling is better than more taxes. ()

As a longtime student of gambling companies and their regulation, I find these developments troubling. People who want to play should have an honest place to wager. But states should only allow, not encourage, gambling. Basic government services should not depend on gambling revenue, as Perry's school finance proposal did.

No matter how much gambling the law allows, taxes on the money players lose will never be enough to finance the government services on which jobs and private wealth creation depend.


$24 BILLION IN 2010 REVENUES

Gambling generated $24 billion for the states in 2010, about 2 percent of their total revenues, data collected by the Rockefeller Institute of Government shows (). Thanks to its lottery, New York got the most gambling revenue, $2.7 billion, more than Nevada and New Jersey combined.

Tax revenues from gambling are down in both West and East Mammonopolis, in part because of a weak economy. In the west, Nevada gamblers lost $3.8 billion last year, down 12 percent in real terms from 2000, according to the University of Nevada (). In the east, Atlantic City players lost $3.3 billion last year, down 39 percent from their inflation-adjusted loss of $5.4 billion in 2001, according to the state of New Jersey. The only growth is in betting near home, which the industry calls "convenience play." Slot machines took more money from players in Pennsylvania than Atlantic City last year.

Nelson Rose, the Whittier College law professor who developed the theory that America is riding its third historic wave of gambling, says, "we are decades away from market saturation" for convenience gambling.

The first two gambling waves ended in scandals, the first between 1820 and 1840 because of dishonest games, the second in 1890 because the nationwide Louisiana Lottery corrupted politicians.

While the third wave has yet to crest, a potential new scandal lurks in proposals to initiate legal online betting.

The U.S. Justice Department issued a formal opinion in December that the Wire Act, a law long-thought to bar Internet gambling, applies only to sports betting. ()

This means that states running the Powerball and Megamillions lotteries can operate multistate online poker and other Internet betting.

But how will states know if online players are adults? My 1992 book "Temples of Chance" named 13- and 14-year-old children who Atlantic City casinos plied with liquor, limousines and luxury suites. How will the states keep underage gamblers using their own money -- or Mom and Dad's credit cards -- from online poker?


WHO BENEFITS?

Another issue is who benefits from more gambling and who may be maneuvered into supporting it. Consider the way Cuomo has framed a casino expansion proposal.

New York has nine racetracks with slot machines, called racinos. By proposing only seven casino licenses, Cuomo initiated a variation on musical chairs, where two or more operators will end up without a license when the music stops. Want to bet whether this approach encourages political donations and quiet favors?

The giant Asian gambling company Genting Group won the contract for the Aqueduct racino in Queens last year. Now, Cuomo has tapped Genting to build the nation's largest convention center there, which it says it will do without subsidies.

I doubt many people would fly to New York to visit mundane Ozone Park, an hour's subway ride from Manhattan's Broadway shows, Fifth Avenue shopping and Times Square.

At the same time, Cuomo is proposing to close the Javits convention center in the heart of the city, alarming Manhattan hotel and restaurant owners, as it should.

Now let's connect the dots.

Genting would make more money if instead of a convention hall in Ozone Park it erects a large open space for a full-blown casino with baccarat, blackjack, craps, pai gow and poker. But a casino requires legislative and voter approval, which may not be easy to get.

Cuomo, by threatening to close the Javits center, has given Manhattan hotel and restaurant operators an interest in persuading state legislators and voters to make sure Ozone Park becomes a huge casino complex and Javits stays open. That way their income from Manhattan conventioneers would not be at risk.

I find it most curious that any politician trying to avoid tax increases would consider a casino operator whose profits will go to Malaysia instead of staying in-state.

People in New York, and elsewhere, should ask: What value do offshore casino operators add? Why not license American gaming companies? Or local investors? What motivated Cuomo to shun Indian casino operators, like the Oneida Nation with its well-run Turning Stone casino near Syracuse?

And all Americans should ask what the odds are that more gambling will promote an industrious, thrifty society. And does it make sense for your tax savings to depend on how many of your neighbors make a losing toss of the dice?

Saturday, February 4, 2012

Illegal gambling on Super Bowl won't go undetected

SAPD warns: Illegal gambling on Super Bowl won't go undetected
by Phil Anaya / KENS 5

When it comes to gambling the bigger the game, the bigger the pot and that’s why local law enforcement agencies are on the lookout this Super Bowl weekend.

“When we have these major sporting events such as the super bowl coming up, our vice unit knows typically there are folks out there that want to gamble,” said SAPD Sgt. Chris Benavides.

Those who do gamble are hoping to win big. In June the Bexar County Sheriff’s Office made a large gambling ring bust.

They confiscated close to $200,000 which was supposed to be paid out to numerous people following the NBA finals.

While many may be unaware that San Antonio has its fair share of gamblers, therapist Tim Collingham said they’re out there.

“I would say San Antonio has more than its fair share of gamblers,” said Collingham.

Collingham is a licensed therapist who has helped people with gambling problems. He said while some people are looking to make a quick buck, there’s also people who have a serious addiction and ignore the fact that there’s serious consequences.

“People betting on the Super Bowl they might say, ‘yeah well it might be illegal for me to bet on the super bowl I’m not in Las Vegas, here I am in San Antonio,’ but it’s the same thing if I go speeding down the road. It’s against the law,” said Collingham.

That’s why local law enforcement agencies are warning people now that they won’t always go undetected.

“Our vice detectives and our vice unit will be out there looking at certain areas, going into certain areas, trying to prevent this illegal gambling,” said Benavides.

Sunday, December 25, 2011

BA residents petition City Council to fight casino plans

BA residents petition City Council to fight casino plans
By SUSAN HYLTON World Staff Writer

BROKEN ARROW - Residents flooded the City Council chambers Tuesday night to voice their intense opposition to a planned Indian casino in their neighborhood.


Lori Pettus said residents were "completely blind-sided" when they read a Tuesday Tulsa World story in which a city official confirmed that the Kialegee Tribal Town was planning to build the Red Clay Casino there.

"I believe that the citizens of Broken Arrow and our Broken Arrow government must fight back, even in the face of this barrier of sovereign immunity," Pettus said. "I am asking that the City Council immediately arrange a public forum where citizens can express concerns and ask questions of the secretive operatives bankrolling this gambling enterprise."

Such actions could include petitioning the Bureau of Indian Affairs and the National Indian Gaming Commission, he said.

Cawley said the city should determine whether the Kialegee Tribal Town, a branch of the Muscogee (Creek) Nation, has any tribal jurisdiction over the land in question and whether the land has been approved for gaming.

The property is at the southwest corner of Olive Avenue (129th East Avenue) and Florence Street (111th Street), just north of the Creek Turnpike.

Pettus said she thinks the casino would be a menace to the community.

"Casinos attract desperate and decadent people - prostitution, drug dealing, burglary, drunk driving, organized crime," she said.

The casino will be built adjacent to neighborhoods and a prekindergarten that is being built up the street, Cawley said.

Resident Robert Martinek said he thinks the casino would have adverse effects on property values and would increase the city's costs for providing police, fire, sewer and street improvements.

"My request would be to the mayor and City Council that we do everything we can to vet the legality of what this tribe is wanting to do," Martinek said.

Lester said the city would "move forward and get some answers either from federal regulators or whoever to make sure your concerns are addressed as best we can."

Councilman Craig Thurmond said he had discussed the issue with U.S. Rep. John Sullivan, R-Okla., and that the congressman told him residents could contact him about their concerns.

Attorney Luis Figueredo said by phone Tuesday that the casino investors, for whom he is working, are Florence Development Partners. That group consists of the tribe and the property owners, which land records list as Marcella Giles and Wynema Capps.

Figueredo would not comment on how the casino is being financed but said it would be built on allotted land, which has the same legal standing as land in trust.

The land was allotted in 1903 to Tyler Burgess, a full-blood Muscogee (Creek) who is on the Dawes Rolls. Giles and Capps are Burgess' granddaughters.

Florence Development Partners, a domestic limited-liability company, was formed on April 5, records show. The registered agent is Vicki Sousa of Langley, the tribe's attorney.

A compact between the state and the Kialegee Tribal Town was approved on July 19 for Class III gaming on Indian lands.

Figueredo said the tribe does not have any other casinos. News reports over the past decade indicate that the tribe met resistance in Georgia and Texas when attempting to go into the casino business in those states.

Most recently it was reported that a developer was proposing to sell land to the tribe in Georgia and that the tribe was considering moving its headquarters there if the Bureau of Indian Affairs approved a trust application.

But Figueredo said the tribe did not authorize the trust application, a statement that could not be immediately confirmed with BIA officials.

Under the Indian Gaming Regulatory Act, gaming is allowed on land in "Indian Country," and allotted land would fit that definition, Figueredo said.

The tribe plans to open in March a temporary facility that would consist of about eight to 12 prefabricated buildings with slot machines.

A permanent building would be completed around the beginning of 2013.

Mayor Mike Lester prefaced Pettus' remarks to the council by saying that the plot in question is either on restricted land or land held in trust. Records show that it is restricted land, which also is referred to as allotted land.

"In either case, the city has no jurisdiction," he said.

Jared Cawley, a resident who is an attorney, said it disappoints him that city councilors think they have no authority to take any action.

"I can assure you - you are not helpless," he said. "There are actions you can take to stop this from happening."

Wednesday, December 21, 2011

2011 Gambling Lawsuits

By promoting Gambling in youngsters, a readily available clientele, primed for "Casino Capitalism" and "Something for Nothing" schemes is readily available.

Scratch tickets and lottery tickets are offered as gifts to children.

And we see nothing wrong with that?

This should be an interesting lawsuits that prompts us to re-consider how we exploit our children.



Chuck E. Cheese's sued for tot 'slots'
Written by Dana Littlefield

SAN DIEGO — A San Diego woman has sued the company that owns the Chuck E. Cheese’s family restaurant chain, claiming that many of the games intended for children at these locations are actually illegal gambling devices — like slot machines.

Denise Keller, a local real estate agent and mother of two daughters ages 3 and 5, filed the potential class-action suit in U.S. District Court March 29. According to court documents, she is asking for a jury trial and damages and restitution of at least $5 million.

But attorney Eric Benink, who represents Keller, said the money is a secondary issue. The purpose of the lawsuit, he said, is to prevent Texas-based CEC Entertainment Inc., which owns and operates the restaurants in 48 states, from keeping the machines in its game rooms.

“We don’t think that children should be exposed to casino-style gambling devices at an arcade,” Benink said, adding that the games take only a few seconds to play and some of them feature a roulette-style wheel.

According to the complaint, many of the games in these rooms are operated by inserting tokens, which can be purchased for 25 cents each. When the games are finished, they dispense tickets that can be redeemed for prizes.

The lawsuit notes that with some exceptions, gambling is illegal in California but the penal code makes an exception for games that are predominantly based on skill.

That’s not the case with the games at Chuck E. Cheese’s, according to Keller, who claims in the court documents that she has taken her own children on numerous occasions to the restaurant’s location in La Mesa’s Grossmont Center.

Instead, the suit says, the games are based mostly on chance, and that they could foster addictive behavior in children by enticing them to play repeatedly for tickets. It says the games “create the same highs and lows experienced by adults who gamble their paychecks or the mortgage payment.”

Calls to CEC Entertainment’s attorneys were not immediately returned Thursday.

They have argued in court documents that the games are not illegal under state law. The attorneys contend that the California Legislature never intended to make operating a children’s arcade game a criminal act. Instead, they say, recent amendments to the law show that lawmakers were primarily concerned with the potential for “video slot machines masquerading as legal video games.”

CEC notes that even if the arcade games were illegal, then Keller is an admitted participant in the illegal gambling. Therefore, she should be barred from seeking any damages or restitution.

Attorneys for the company have asked a federal judge to dismiss the case. The judge has not yet ruled on that request.

Casino receives funds stolen from Veterans

At what point do we hold 'Casinos' accountable for receiving stolen funds?

Houston ripoffs of disabled vets went undetected for more than a decade
BY LISE OLSE, HOUSTON CHRONICLE

Sometimes when she watched her son standing outside his personal care home, Wylma Barnett thought the disabled ex-Marine looked homeless clad in his worn and raggedy clothes, though he had plenty of money in the bank.

The picture seemed wrong, she thought, for a man who had served his country and whose ample assets for the last 20 years were entrusted to a Houston attorney by the Department of Veterans Affairs.

Instead, next month, Joe B. Phillips, 72, and his wife Dorothy, 71, are expected to stand trial for conspiracy to commit fraud and theft in a Houston federal court. They are accused of embezzling more than $2 million from at least 28 disabled veterans, including Barnett's son, and allegedly carrying out the biggest rip-off ever uncovered in a VA program responsible for about $3.1 billion in disabled veterans' assets nationwide.

But according to court records reviewed by the Houston Chronicle and interviews with those who investigated the thefts, local veterans lost even more money and the fraud persisted longer than authorities initially reported. Evidence of possible exploitation in Phillips' own public accountings and actions were overlooked for years.

"All they would have had to do was ask," Barnett said, referring to the government's lack of scrutiny. "Ask anybody who had been assigned to Phillips."

More than two dozen veterans and insurance companies have since filed civil lawsuits against Joe Phillips, who continues to practice law four years after a VA auditor first found evidence of embezzlement.

Phillips declined to comment for this story.

Money missing in 2001

Phillips, a former VA attorney, has worked as a money manager for local veterans since the 1980s. Money went missing from their accounts as early as 2001 - years before the VA's audit, according to indictments and lawsuits filed in Harris County probate courts.

At least 28 veterans have been compensated by taxpayers for losses estimated at $3,000 to $250,000 each. Twenty won additional settlements from insurance companies. Others are pending. Barnett's mentally disabled son received a settlement in October.

No one so far has investigated whether Phillips or his wife took more money from disabled veterans who died before the shortfalls were discovered.

18 settlements

A VA audit first found problems with Phillips' accounts in late 2007.

Bernard Hebinck, a retired U.S. Air Force colonel and attorney who also serves as a VA fiduciary in Houston, said it was the first formal audit by the VA of fiduciary records in this area in about a decade. He and his partner, Kevin Alter, subsequently sued Phillips on behalf of 20 veterans and obtained 18 settlements so far.

"I treat veterans the way I would want to be treated as a veteran - with respect," Hebinck said.

A VA spokesman declined to comment, citing the pending prosecutions. But officials did say stricter safeguards are in place because of thefts in Houston and elsewhere. Fiduciaries, for example, are now required to provide original bank documents in annual reports.

In responses to lawsuits, Phillips blames the VA for the missing money, claiming auditors and administrators failed to adequately protect veterans' assets.

Phillips filed for bankruptcy in 2009. But bankruptcy attorneys have been unable to determine where the vets' money went, aside from gambling debts that Phillips accumulated at the L'Auberge du Lac Casino and the purchase of a Lexus. Despite subpoenas, Phillips has failed to turn over his bank records, claiming a garage fire and a flood destroyed his files.

The evidence of possible theft and mismanagement appeared in reports Phillips submitted annually to probate courts and the VA. Court records show he sometimes failed to properly list veterans' savings accounts. Some would inexplicably disappear in reports and reappear years later with different balances. He also failed to properly balance veterans' checkbooks, records show.

Paperwork filed by Phillips also contained more sophisticated elements of fraud, including account balances verified with forged bank officers' signatures and a confusing assortment of real and fake accounts in Texas and out-of-state, according to records and interviews.

Communication issues

In one case, Phillips turned in documents with the forged signature of an official at a bank where Phillips served on the board of directors.

Caregivers and relatives of veterans whose money was stolen say Phillips was unresponsive, rude or evasive when questioned about expenses or accounts.

Shirley German, whose disabled son relies on a wheelchair, said Phillips often acted like her son's money belonged to him, resisting requests for unexpected expenses, like house repairs or appliances.

Rose Redding, a caregiver for another veteran, said Phillips was "always rude" and brushed the vet off even when he asked for copies of his bank statements: "He could have spotted (problems). He was never privileged to get that."

Since October 1998, the VA's Office of the Inspector General has conducted more than 315 fiduciary fraud investigations, resulting in 132 arrests across the country.

Katrina Eagle, a California attorney who represents veterans, said problems could be prevented if veterans and designated relatives were given more information about their own money.

"It seems so simple to me. The fiduciary (should be) required to provide an accounting to his client - that's who he serves," she said.

Chronicle reporter Lindsay Wise contributed to this story.

Sunday, December 11, 2011

Jack Abramoff's regrets fall short for Tigua officials

Special report: Jack Abramoff's regrets fall short for Tigua officials
By Robert Moore \ El Paso Times

In 2002, Jack Abramoff hatched his "brilliant idea" to help El Paso's Tigua Indians reopen their casino by slipping an amendment into a bill designed to fix the nation's voting process.

In his ultimately unsuccessful effort, Abramoff corrupted a House committee chairman and other people, and fed growing cynicism over the American political process. Democrats wrested control of Congress from Republicans in 2006 in part by decrying a GOP "culture of corruption" exemplified by Abramoff.

And Abramoff and his associates went to prison.

Now, nearly a decade later, the disgraced lobbyist and the Ohio congressman who was at the heart of his scheme are apologizing to the Tiguas. A top tribal official said the apologies aren't sincere.

In an exclusive interview, the El Paso Times asked Abramoff what he'd tell the Tiguas today: "I'd tell them I'm horribly sorry for the things I did that were wrong, that I wish I could make it up to them, I wish I could some way give or do something to make it better.
"I don't have any resources financially or I'd do something there, but, you know, I just apologize and pledge myself to do whatever I could do. I mean obviously I don't think they'd be interested in me doing anything. But I just apologize to them profusely."

Bob Ney, the former Ohio Republican congressman and chairman of the House Administration Committee, sounded a similar note in an interview with the Times.

"Indian nation has it tough. I've visited reservations, they have it very tough, and I'm just sorry that I was part of something that was so hurtful to them, and smelled and looked so terrible and was so bad," Ney said.

The apologies rang hollow to Tigua Lt. Gov. Carlos Hisa, who held the same office in 2002 and worked with Abramoff and Ney on the ill-fated attempt to bring casino gambling back to the tribal reservation in El Paso's Lower Valley.

"I do not accept their apology. I do not find it sincere. The time to come back and apologize is when the investigation was

Jack Abramoff (Courtesy photo)going on," Hisa said.
Abramoff and another Washington insider named Michael Scanlon masterminded a scheme in 2002 to buy Ney's influence to place a Tigua-friendly amendment in a bill called the Help America Vote Act, which was designed to correct some of the voting problems exposed in the 2000 presidential election.

The amendment, which would have legalized gaming at Speaking Rock Casino, had nothing to do with elections or voting. But that didn't matter to Abramoff and Scanlon, who had collected tens of millions of dollars in fees representing other American Indian tribes.

Abramoff, Scanlon and Ney all eventually pleaded guilty to corruption charges and spent time in prison. They've said little publicly about their dealings with the Tiguas over the years.

But last month, Abramoff published an autobiography, "Capitol Punishment: The Hard Truth about Washington Corruption from America's Most Notorious Lobbyist." The book includes a chapter on his dealings with the Tiguas.

The Times interviewed both Abramoff and Ney for their most extensive comments to date on the Tiguas. Scanlon, who pleaded guilty to corruption charges in 2006, began serving his sentence at a Florida federal prison earlier this year and is scheduled for release next year.

Abramoff and Ney continue to offer differing versions of key moments in the Tigua scheme, with each of the former conspirators accusing the other at times of ongoing dishonesty.


Closing Speaking Rock

The initial involvement of Abramoff and Scanlon in Texas Indian gaming was to aid efforts to kill it.

The Tiguas in the 1990s expanded Speaking Rock Casino from a bingo parlor to a full-fledged casino, complete with Las Vegas-style table games and slot machines. The state of Texas said the casino was in violation of an anti-gambling clause in the 1987 federal law that recognized the Tiguas' tribal status.

Then-Attorney General John Cornyn filed a federal lawsuit in 1999 seeking to close the Tigua casino. Then-Gov. George W. Bush supported the lawsuit.

While the lawsuit was pending, the Tiguas in 2001 introduced a bill in the Texas Legislature that would have allowed them and another Texas tribe, the Alabama Coushatta in the eastern part of the state, to operate casinos. The bill passed the House, but then-Lt. Gov. Bill Ratliff wouldn't allow it to come to a vote in the Texas Senate.

The Alabama Coushatta opened a small casino in 2001, and Abramoff and Scanlon viewed that as a major competitive threat to a casino operated by one of their clients, the Coushatta tribe of Louisiana. Much of the Louisiana tribe's customer base came from the Houston area, and the new Texas casino was much closer to the state's largest city.

The Louisiana Coushatta "authorized Abramoff and Scanlon to pursue anti-gaming efforts in Texas against the Tigua and the Alabama Coushatta," according to a 2006 report from the U.S. Senate Indian Affairs Committee.

Abramoff and Scanlon funneled money to Ralph Reed, former director of the Christian Coalition, to lead a grass-roots campaign in Texas in support of Cornyn's legal efforts to close the Tigua casino. The lawsuit would also affect the Alabama Coushatta casino, because the tribe was covered by the same 1987 law that recognized the Tiguas.

Reed's efforts included organizing Texas pastors to support efforts to close Indian casinos in Texas.

In his telephone interview with the Times, Abramoff insisted that he never engaged in efforts to shut down the Tigua casino.

"I frankly didn't care about the Tigua casino. It was far away from my client," Abramoff said. "The only interest we had was that the Alabama Coushattas had opened a replica, or similar, illegal casino, in the sense that they didn't have a compact to do it, like the Tiguas had done in El Paso. So our interest was in getting them shut. That was it. We really didn't care about Tigua at that point."

But emails obtained by the Senate Indian Affairs Committee in 2005 suggest otherwise.

In a Jan. 7, 2002, email exchange, Reed told Abramoff that an important ruling on the future of the Tigua casino was expected soon.

Abramoff responded: "It's not shuttered yet. Let's get this thing closed and then we'll see what we can do. As we type, they are gambling away."

On Feb. 5, 2002, Reed emailed Abramoff that he had spoken to a source close to Cornyn, and they expected a federal judge to rule in the next couple of days that the Tigua casino should be closed.

Abramoff forwarded Reed's email to Scanlon, saying, "Whining idiot. Close the f'ing thing already."

The next week, a federal court ruling closed the Tigua casino. The Alabama Coushatta casino in East Texas was closed a short time later.

On Feb. 11, 2002, Reed emailed Abramoff an Associated Press story about the Tiguas closing their casino.

Abramoff responded: "Ultimately, the main target is the (Alabama Coushatta). I wish those moronic Tiguas were smarter in their political contributions. I'd love us to get our mitts on that moolah!! Oh well, stupid folks get wiped out."

What Abramoff didn't tell Reed was that he already was working on a plan to get his hands on the Tigua money.


Birth of 'the brilliant idea'

On Feb. 4, 2002, on the eve of the court ruling that would close Speaking Rock, Abramoff had a lawyer for one of his clients -- the Sandia Pueblo of New Mexico -- call Tigua lawyers to let the tribe know he was available to help them. The Tiguas said they were interested in talking.

On Feb. 6, Abramoff emailed Scanlon: "Fire up the jet baby, we're going to El Paso."

Scanlon responded: "I want all their MONEY!!!!" To which Abramoff said: "Yawzah!"

On Feb. 18, Scanlon sent the Tiguas a proposal for "Operation Open Doors," a public relations and legislative campaign aimed at reopening Speaking Rock Casino within four months.

They flew to El Paso the next day. Before leaving, Scanlon emailed Abramoff a story from that morning's El Paso Times, announcing that the tribe had laid off 450 casino workers. One of the laid-off workers, Guillermina Morales, 60, was quoted as saying: "I am an old lady, it's going to be difficult for me to find another job."

Her misery was the best possible news for Scanlon and Abramoff.

"This is on the front page of today's paper while they (the Tribal Council) will be voting on our plan," Scanlon said in an email to Abramoff.

"Is life great or what!!!" Abramoff responded.

On March 5, the Tiguas signed an agreement to pay $4.2 million -- down from the initial $5.4 million request -- to Scanlon's consulting firm for "Operation Open Doors."

Abramoff told the tribe he would offer his services pro bono as they attempted to reopen Speaking Rock as a Class II casino, which would allow them to offer high-stakes bingo and pull-tab games. Once that happened, he said, he'd seek a contract with the tribe at $150,000 a month or more to work on getting Speaking Rock upgraded to a Class III casino, offering slot machines and table games.

He urged the tribe to hire Scanlon, former aide to House Republican leader Tom DeLay, for his public relations expertise. But Abramoff promised the Tiguas that he wouldn't take any money for himself while he worked to reopen the casino.

That was a lie.

Abramoff would actually make more than $1.8 million off the Tiguas. Without telling the Tiguas, Scanlon had agreed to split half his profits with Abramoff.

They had struck similar deals -- which are illegal -- on contracts Scanlon had received from other Indian tribes. They never told the clients.

"I'm sorry that I benefited from the deal they did with Scanlon, that I got money from that. That's what I went to prison for, by the way, not revealing that kind of stuff to my clients," Abramoff said in his interview with the Times.

After reaching an agreement with the Tiguas, Abramoff began what would become one of the most nefarious legislative schemes in U.S. history.

In his interview with the Times, Abramoff said he devised the plan as a way to short-circuit attempts in the Texas Legislature to legalize Indian gaming in the state. He would push through federal legislation to legalize gaming for the Tiguas, leaving the Alabama Coushatta on their own and easier to defeat at the state level.

"So I came with what I thought was the brilliant idea to get them a Class II casino and thereby remove them from the political equation and that would let us beat the Alabama more handily in Austin."

(However, the scheme would later morph to include legalizing gaming for the Alabama Coushatta. Leaders from the East Texas tribe would occasionally be included in discussions about the plan.)

He needed someone powerful in Washington to quietly push through legislation that would allow the Tiguas to reopen their casino -- a popular proposition in El Paso at the time, but one that was deeply controversial in the rest of Texas.

On March 20, 2002, Abramoff had his man, as he told Scanlon in an email.

"Just met with Ney!!!! We're f'ing gold!!!! He's going to do Tigua."


The gentleman from Ohio

Bob Ney of Ohio came to Washington in 1995, part of the Newt Gingrich-led "Contract With America" class in which Republicans won control of the House for the first time in four decades by promising to reform Washington's ways.

By 2002, Ney was chairman of the House Administration Committee, which oversees operations of the Capitol complex. (The following year, he would achieve some notoriety by protesting France's opposition to the Iraq war by ordering that french fries served in the House of Representatives be renamed "freedom fries.")

Abramoff had used Ney before. He had twice entered statements into the Congressional Record on behalf of Suncruz, a line of casino ships partially owned by Abramoff. In exchange, Scanlon sent a $10,000 contribution to the National Republican Congressional Committee, for which Ney received credit.

Abramoff's plan to reopen the Tigua casino was simple in design. He would try to have Tigua-friendly language inserted in a bill that was likely to pass Congress.

"For years, it has been difficult to pass legislation in the charged partisan congressional atmosphere," Abramoff wrote in his book. "So a lobbyist trying to enact his client's wishes needs to get his amendment onto a bill likely to pass both the House and the Senate, and then be signed by the president. No bill is more likely to pass than a reform bill."

Ney had the perfect vehicle.

The 2000 presidential election had exposed major problems in the nation's election system, particularly in Florida. Congress in 2001 and 2002 set out to fix those problems through the Help America Vote Act. Ney was the House sponsor of the bill, and would be part of a conference committee with Senate leaders to iron out the final version of the bill.

Ney said he's still not sure how the Abramoff scheme unfolded.

"I don't even know to this day what in the hell the truth is," he told the Times in a phone interview from India, where he has traveled in recent years to study meditation.

Ney said he remembers Abramoff coming to his office and saying he had a provision for a client he wanted to insert in the election reform bill. He said Abramoff told him that a key Senate player on the bill, Democratic Sen. Chris Dodd of Connecticut, was on board.

"Now, he didn't mention Tigua name, Tigua nothing. He just said, I have a provision, and he said this provision is very, very important to Senator Dodd," Ney said. "I thought, at that time, that it dealt with something to do with casinos, but something to do with also the state of Connecticut."

Abramoff and Hisa both dispute Ney's claim that he didn't know the specifics of who would benefit from his efforts.

"We had direct discussions about this many times. I don't know why he's taking this particular tactic now, but that's absurd," Abramoff said.

Hisa said: "He knew exactly what was going on."

At Abramoff's behest, the Tiguas in late March made $32,000 in campaign contributions to Ney and his political action committee.

In June, Abramoff emailed Tiguas consultant Marc Schwartz asking for $50,000 to pay for a Scotland golf trip for Ney and others. Abramoff told the Tiguas that Ney had requested the trip; Ney vehemently disputes that and said the trip was Abramoff's idea.

In July, Schwartz advised the Tigua Tribal Council to make a $50,000 payment for the trip. He also suggested asking the Alabama Coushatta to contribute $50,000.

Even though Abramoff had specifically asked Schwartz for a $50,000 contribution from the Tiguas for "a Scotland golf trip," Schwartz said in a memo to the Tribal Council: "Neither the Tiguas nor the Alabama Coushattas has been solicited to underwrite this educational trip abroad, but I would strongly recommend that both tribes consider a donation towards this effort."

Schwartz is currently facing federal indictment on unrelated public corruption charges, accused of being part of a bribery schemed aimed at winning contracts from El Paso governments for another one of his clients.

The Alabama Coushattas contributed $50,000, but the Tiguas never made a payment for the Scotland trip, according to an investigation by the Senate Indian Affairs Committee.

Abramoff, Ney, Reed and others headed off in early August 2002 for a trip to Scotland and England. The trip included a round of golf at St. Andrews, the birthplace of golf.

When they returned, Abramoff set up an Aug. 14 meeting between Ney and tribal leaders for the Tiguas and Alabama Coushattas.

What Abramoff didn't tell the tribal leaders, either before or at the meeting, was that his scheme already seemed to be unraveling.


The scheme collapses

On July 25, 2002, Abramoff sent Scanlon a frantic email.

"I just spoke with Ney, who met today with Dodd on the bill and raised our provision. Dodd looked at him like a 'deer in headlights' and said he has never made such a commitment and that, with the problems of new casinos in Connecticut, it is a problem!!! Mike, please call me immediately to tell me how we wired this, or were supposed to wire it. Ney feels we left him out to dry. Please call me!!!"

In an interview with the Times, Ney said he approached Dodd to discuss 10 to 15 unresolved issues in the election-reform bill.

"When we were completely done with all of that, I remember this very clearly, I turned to Chris Dodd and I said, you're interested in some amendment to do with gambling or casinos in Connecticut? I didn't say Jack Abramoff's name, I just said gambling or casinos in Connecticut.

"Chris looked at me as if he was a deer in the headlights, as if I was from another planet. And he said something to the effect of, well, hell no, that's stuff's controversial in my state, I have no interest in anything like that. I said OK," Ney said.

"Now, at no point in time did ... Chris Dodd and I, sit and say, oh, hey, Jack Abramoff wants this. We didn't do it. You might ask why I didn't do that. This amendment, I've got to tell you, and I have no reason to shield anything from you, did not rise to the level of where I gave a damn," he said.

Ney said he went to Abramoff to say "we're starting to look foolish on this thing. Somebody's not telling the truth. Abramoff came back and his statement was, oh, no, no, no, somebody had something wrong, this is a go."

In his book, Abramoff says he learned of Dodd's objections on Oct. 2, 2002, when the House-Senate conference committee was finalizing the bill -- without the Tigua proposal.

"As it turned out, in the intervening months, Dodd got cold feet. The tribal councils in his home state of Connecticut were creating immense traffic problems and the population was up in arms," Abramoff wrote.

But an email turned up by the Senate Indian Affairs Committee showed that Abramoff knew months earlier, on July 25, that Dodd wouldn't support his scheme.

Other emails showed that Abramoff held out hope into the fall of 2002. He told Scanlon on Oct. 4, six days before the conference committee's final report, "We HAVE to win this Tigua thing."

But it was evident before the final vote that Abramoff knew the outcome. On Oct. 8, Abramoff told Scanlon in an email to "get our money back from that (expletive) who was supposed to take care of Dodd."

Dodd has repeatedly denied ever agreeing to assist Abramoff in his scheme.

Ney said he believes Dodd.

"I believe to this day that Chris Dodd had no concept of what on Earth I was talking about. No concept," Ney said.

In his interview with the Times, Abramoff conceded that his team may never have gotten Dodd on board, despite repeated assurances to the Tiguas.

"Number 1, I didn't have any direct dealings with him at all. Number 2, everything I wrote about in the book and everything I was told when it happened was third party to me. So it's certainly possible that he didn't know anything about it at all," Abramoff said.

"Scanlon would be a better one to ask about it."

Scanlon is currently incarcerated at the Federal Prison Camp in Pensacola, Fla., with a projected release date of Sept. 10, 2012, according to federal records.


The aftermath

In his book, Abramoff said he continued for another year to seek a bill that he could attach the Tigua gambling measure.

"They weren't only great clients; they were my friends," Abramoff wrote.

("I'm just glad I wasn't his enemy," Tigua Lt. Gov. Hisa said in an interview with the Times.)

"Even after I was not a lobbyist, even after I was basically on the rack, I was still trying to get this through for them. And unfortunately I didn't succeed," Abramoff told the Times.

"I did it right up to the point where I started getting attacked by the tribe, at which point I just stopped."

The Washington Post in February 2004 began running a series of articles on Abramoff's dealings with his Indian clients. He was soon fired by his Washington lobbying firm, and the Senate Indian Affairs Committee began an investigation, quickly followed by federal prosecutors.

Scanlon pleaded guilty on Nov. 11, 2005, and Abramoff followed suit on Jan. 3, 2006. They admitted, among other things, to defrauding their Native American clients.

Ney pleaded guilty to corruption charges on Oct. 13, 2006, admitting that he performed official acts at Abramoff's request in exchange for campaign contributions, expensive meals, luxury travel and sports tickets. He was the only elected official sent to prison as a result of the sweeping Abramoff corruption scandal.

Abramoff was imprisoned from November 2006 through June 2010, then lived at a halfway house until December 2010. He published his autobiography in November and has been doing a number of media interviews, including an appearance on "60 Minutes."

Ney served 17 months in prison before being released in August 2008. He has worked as a radio talk-show host in West Virginia and works for the Talk Radio News Service.

Because Scanlon assisted prosecutors in their investigation of Abramoff's schemes, which eventually netted 20 convictions, his sentencing was delayed until earlier this year. He was given a 20-month sentence in February.

The Tiguas have tried to operate Speaking Rock Casino since its February 2002 closure, offering entertainment as well games of chance. The tribe initially offered so-called eight-liner machines, with payments in gift cards, but pulled out those machines after being challenged by the Texas attorney general.

Speaking Rock now offers what the tribe refers to as "sweepstakes machines," which resemble slot machines and can pay out thousands of dollars in cash prizes. Tigua officials insist the machines are legal because they're an electronic version of the popular Monopoly games offered by McDonald's, but the state disagrees and is engaged in a continuing legal battle with the tribe.

The Tiguas won't discuss how much money they're making these days at Speaking Rock, but Hisa acknowledges that it's far below the $5 million a month that the tribe was reportedly bringing in when the casino featured table games and slot machines.

Hisa said the $4.2 million the tribe gave Scanlon and Abramoff, coupled with the failure to win clear legal authorization for a casino, caused immense damage for the Tiguas.

"That money could have been used for our services here. When the casino closed down, we were forced to providing services at the same level, the same caliber that we were doing when the money was coming in," he said. "But it's impossible, so we had to cut down on a lot of the services we were providing. That money could have been used to continue providing those services at the level."

The Times asked Abramoff and Ney what they'd say to each other if they met today.

Abramoff said: "I don't know what I'd tell Bob Ney. That's a good question. We both know what happened. I don't know that we really even need to discuss it. That he would continue to re-characterize things, I don't know how wise that is, any more than wise it is for anybody in my situation to dissemble. But that's a choice that he would have to make, not me."

Ney said: "I learned an old Indian expression in prison. Inside everyone are two wolves, a good one and a bad one. They fight; the one that wins is the one you feed. I hope that these days I feed the good wolf, and if I saw Jack in person, I guess I would ask him which one he is feeding."

Hisa said he has dreamed of encountering Abramoff in a dark alley, but "we're taught not to hate. We are a very humble people."

Then he offered this message to Abramoff:

"You might have hurt us, but we've been through this before, we will survive. We've been here before the United States was even the United States of America. We went through just a lot of rough times and we stand proud and strong.

"How proud can he stand? How proud can his children be standing knowing that their dad ruined this for them?"


For additional information, refer to original article.