Prime Casino Cheerleader House Speaker Racino DeLeo!

House Speaker Racino DeLeo doled out Chairmenships and Offices based on LOYALTY, punished those who opposed.

There is much work that needs to be accomplished to reform Beacon Hill, but let's REPEAL THE CASINO DEAL first!

A corrupt process that excluded voters passed this abomination, ignoring the FACTS, ignoring the GAMBLING MARKET SATURATION, ignoring the DECLINING REVENUES!

US alleges Robert DeLeo had deal with probation officials

Prosecutors say there was a quid pro quo agreement

By Milton J. Valencia

| Globe staff July 08, 2014

 

Aram Boghosian for the Globe

Robert DeLeo (above) has repeatedly denied he ever had an agreement with John O’Brien, and his office would not comment Monday.


Federal prosecutors said Monday that they will introduce evidence confirming there was a quid pro quo agreement by which probation officials gave jobs to House Speaker Robert A. DeLeo’s favored applicants, and, in return, DeLeo provided legislative favors for probation officials.

Assistant US Attorney Robert A. Fisher said prosecutors plan to call several current and former legislators and aides to testify about conversations they had with DeLeo and the former probation commissioner, John J. O’Brien, that were allegedly part of that agreement.

 

It was the first time prosecutors have used the phrase quid pro quo to describe DeLeo’s involvement in the alleged hiring scheme that gave preference to politically connected applicants. In the past, prosecutors have alleged that O’Brien and his deputies effectively bribed legislators, and called witnesses who said DeLeo doled out probation jobs to help in his bid to become speaker.

Related

• Hostile witnesses in probation trial

“This testimony provides substantial proof” of the racketeering and conspiracy allegations, prosecutors said in court documents, requesting more time to present what they called an essential part of their case.

For instance, one of DeLeo’s top aides, Toby Morelli, will testify about an agreement DeLeo allegedly had with O’Brien to protect O’Brien’s budget from the chief justice, who had discretion over probation spending, according to prosecutors.

Former state representative Charles Murphy, who headed the House Ways and Means committee, will also testify that DeLeo told him in 2008 to spare the Probation Department any budget cuts.

Another aide to DeLeo will testify that O’Brien was making requests for the speaker to pass reforms to his department’s structure and give him more autonomy over hiring. The reforms were so outlandish that the aide determined they were unconstitutional, prosecutors said.

“This enterprise was ongoing,” Fisher said. “What we’re presenting to the jury is just a small sample of the hiring that occurred during the conspiracy.”

 

DeLeo has repeatedly denied he ever had an agreement with O’Brien, and his office would not comment Monday.

Prosecutors laid out their case during a hearing in which US District Court Judge William G. Young said he would limit the remaining time that prosecutors have to make their case to the jury. The jury was not present for the hearing, but is slated to hear more testimony Tuesday.

Prosecutors have alleged that O’Brien, the commissioner from 1998 to 2010, and top deputies Elizabeth Tavares and William Burke ran the Probation Department like a criminal enterprise, by offering jobs to the friends of legislators over more qualified candidates. In exchange, the legislators routinely boosted the department’s budget and provided legislative favors, helping O’Brien to build his political clout.

Defense lawyers say their clients did nothing illegal, that they practiced patronage hiring typical of Beacon Hill politics. But prosecutors say the defendants committed fraud by creating a bogus hiring system to conceal what they were doing from the judges who oversaw hiring.

The defendants face up to 20 years in prison if convicted of charges including mail fraud and racketeering.

Young said he will force prosecutors to stick to a time limit for the remainder of their case. The trial began with opening statements on May 8, and the judge is attempting to curb testimony, saying jurors should not be overwhelmed. Young has told prosecutors that he will ban any cumulative, or repetitive, testimony.

But prosecutors argued that they should be able to introduce more evidence to show that O’Brien engaged in a pattern of corrupt hiring.

The testimony about DeLeo centers on allegations that he supported legislation around 2007 allowing the Probation Department to hire employees for a new electronic monitoring program. DeLeo’s office was then allegedly allowed to handpick 10 hires, and his office allegedly offered those jobs to the friends of other legislators whose votes he was seeking in the race for House speaker.

According to trial testimony, the legislators’ friends were offered the jobs without being interviewed.
Attorneys for O’Brien said Monday that the prosecution has not proved there was an agreement.

“There has to be a meeting of the minds, from the other side, the Legislature,” attorney William Fick argued, noting that some of O’Brien’s legislative proposals, such as the request to change the department’s structure, were never approved. Fick said that every department head lobbies the Legislature and that O’Brien was no different.

“The Legislature effectively holds the purse strings,” Fick said.

Young acknowledged that jurors should be able to decide some of the allegations, for instance a charge that O’Brien gave a key job to the wife of Representative Thomas Petrolati, a powerful legislator who supported the electronic monitoring program.

Young questioned that, saying, “You want to take on in this indictment the entire patronage culture?”

Fisher responded, “This is a state agency that went over the line, into illegality.”

Related coverage:
• Ex-judge admits to patronage hiring
• Retired chief judge testifies in probation hiring trial
• Witness says probation hiring at the mercy of legislators
• Wife of representative got probation job, ex-official testifies
• Witness speaks of irritation on Probation hiring
• Legislators said they suggested candidates for Probation jobs
• Ex-Probation official discusses discipline
• Ex-Probation supervisor kept messages directing him to favor candidates
• Judge in probation trial may give prosecutors time limit


http://www.bostonglobe.com/metro/2014/07/07/prosecutors-say-probation-leaders-deleo-had-quid-pro-quo/qFwCKBTI8WTz09kDWKzdhI/story.html

 

Corruption, Massachusetts Style

Massachusetts has a long, proud history of Crime and Corruption, Ethics violations and patronage that the process of Gambling legislation revealed that even this neophyte recognized.  

Both Senator Petrucelli and Boston Mayor Tom Menino have charities to which an owner of Suffolk Downs contributed. The charities avoid public disclosure and campaign contribution limits, as well as providing a tax-deductible contribution.  What else don't we know? Who else contributed? What else did they receive in return?

Suffolk Downs is a run-down horse racing track that is dying, like the rest of the horse racing industry and they fantasized an elegant Slot Barn to suck discretionary dollars from the local economy. 

Horse racing as pretense to Predatory Gambling!

Charities? Legal? Yes! Does it pass the smell test? Not in your sleep!

In Massachusetts, the arrogance of power and isolation allows elected officials to believe they are immune from scrutiny and have exempted themselves from the Open Meeting Law and the Public Records Law.

You will note that our arrogant Governor Slot Barns Patrick recently refused to provide records even after his phony campaign promises of transparency.

What's he hiding? More lies?

There are honest, hard-working politicians attempting to change this who become discourage or don't continue to run for office out of frustration.

It's time for change! And it's time for voters to support ethical candidates.

Thursday, June 30, 2011

Deval Patrick tells Boston Globe 'no gaming interest contributions' - really?

Sunday, July 10, 2011

Deval Patrick” “I don’t count every check.” Really, that’s your answer?

And it comes as no surprise to 97% Massachusetts voters that another bunch of politicians will end up in prison for their arrogance.

Independent Investigator Expects ‘Significant Indictments’ In Probation Hiring Probes

By Deborah Becker July 19, 2012

BOSTON — The independent investigator who found pervasive fraud in hiring practices at the Massachusetts Probation Department said he expects additional “significant indictments” in the ongoing state and federal probes of alleged patronage.

Following Paul Ware’s 2010 report, which focused on the department and not on the role of legislators, the 20-month-long investigation has resulted in indictments of certain probation employees, including former Commissioner John O’Brien. Additionally, several lawmakers have testified before grand juries.

“In my personal view, there certainly will be significant, highly placed individuals who will be formally charged,” Ware, of Boston law firm Goodwin Procter, told WBUR Morning Edition host Deborah Becker. “I’d be very surprised if we’re not in for some significant indictments.”

This week, officials confirmed that two of O’Brien’s former aides are cooperating with federal and state prosecutors in exchange for immunity. Could O’Brien himself get the same deal?

“I would not assume that it has not happened,” Ware said. “I’d be very surprised if he hasn’t been given the opportunity to give substantive information to the United States attorney.”

Click the player above for Deb’s full conversation with Ware.

http://www.wbur.org/2012/07/19/probation-aids-granted-immunity

Public Perception is Everything

Out-of-touch "Racino" DeLeo finally worried about public perception???? 

After cramming through flawed Predatory Gambling legislation behind closed doors, secret meetings, Gambling Lobbyists' access and passing legislation that short-changes citizens and rewards vested interests, the man has become a pathetic joke.

The legislation was passed with NO SINGLE INDEPENDENT COST ANALYSIS ever conducted.

And much else has been accomplished on this Speaker's watch.


Stop behaving like a clown if you don't want the public to believe you're one.

By Janet Wu

DeLeo worries about public perception in probation inquiry

House Speaker not asked to testify

Jul 16, 2012

DeLeo worries about public perception in probation inquiry

BOSTON -

As Beacon Hill tries to wind up business by the end of this month, House Speaker Robert DeLeo said he is concerned about the perception of corruption at the Statehouse.

"I think, especially in my position with the history this office has had, I think I'm concerned, very concerned about public perception," he said.

The Boston Globe reported that federal prosecutors investigating the scandal-plagued Probation Department are focusing on Democratic legislators who may have benefited from the agency’s allegedly rigged hiring system. Those lawmakers include DeLeo and Rep. John Rogers.

According to the paper, Rogers’s supporters suspect that Probation Commissioner John O'Brien allegedly gave jobs to friends and family of key legislators in return for a bigger budget, or they agreed to vote for DeLeo as speaker in 2009. Both men deny the charge.

“I guess that I can tell you that any member who would testify that there was any agreement that if they voted for me there would be a job down the road in probation is being untruthful,” DeLeo said.

Much speculation focuses on Rep. Thomas Petrolatti, who reportedly testified to the grand jury. Senate President Therese Murray and DeLeo said Monday they have not been asked to testify.

If there are no more indictments before the election, incumbents like the speaker and the senate president fear the alleged corruption could cast a pall over all Democrats.

Read more: http://www.wcvb.com/news/politics/DeLeo-worries-about-public-perception-in-probation-inquiry/-/9848766/15565928/-/x1ydgy/-/index.html#ixzz20zPhcWYs

‘Feds not letting up’

Pols say Probation probe sowing fear

By Laurel J. Sweet and Chris Cassidy
Wednesday, July 18, 2012

 

News that two trusted lieutenants to disgraced former Probation Commissioner John “Jack” O’Brien were granted immunity in exchange for their testimony has reignited fear and anxiety on Beacon Hill over the ongoing investigation into the patronage scandal.

“This is certainly an indication that the feds are not letting up,” said one Democratic legislator, speaking on condition of anonymity about the highly sensitive subject. “They’re moving forward aggressively. This isn’t over by a long shot, and there’s more to come.”

“I would assume it’s making everybody nervous,” said another Democratic lawmaker. “Especially these two guys so high up in the hierarchy, it can’t help but make everybody nervous. ... Who knows where it’s gonna lead?”

As first reported by boston herald.com, Edward P. Ryan, O’Brien’s $93,000-a-year legislative liaison, and Francis Wall, his $119,500-a-year deputy commissioner, have both struck deals with prosecutors, assistant Attorney General Peter Mullin told a Suffolk Superior Court judge yesterday.

“My understanding from the U.S. Attorney’s Office is Mr. Ryan has testified twice before a federal grand jury,” Mullin said.

Now defense attorneys for O’Brien, 55, and co-defendant Scott Campbell, 47, former campaign manager to ex-Treasurer Timothy Cahill, are demanding to know what promises may have been made to Ryan and Wall by prosecutors and police to persuade them to testify.

In a potentially damaging disclosure, Campbell’s lawyer Charles Rankin told MacLeod he has seen Ryan’s state grand jury testimony. He said he expects “Ryan will testify that O’Brien asked him to call the Lottery and see if his wife Laurie could get a job there.

“He’ll say, ‘O’Brien asked me to call the Lottery. I called Scott Campbell, who I’ve known for years, and he said Tim Cahill wants to see about you putting on a little fundraiser,’ ” Rankin said.

But Rankin pointed out that’s not the story Ryan told independent counsel Paul F. Ware Jr., whose 2010 investigation for the Supreme Judicial Court blew the lid off the Probation Department’s alleged quid-pro-quo hiring and promotion practices with direct links to the commonwealth’s most influential Beacon Hill pols.

Mullin conceded yesterday that Ryan “did deny before Mr. Ware there was (any) connection between the fundraiser and the hiring of Laurie O’Brien.”

He later told MacLeod, “The explanation is he went to the independent counsel without a lawyer. He said some things that were inaccurate. He acknowledged in his state grand jury testimony they were wrong.”

Neither Ryan nor Wall could be reached for comment.

http://www.bostonherald.com/news/politics/view.bg?articleid=1061146613&srvc=rss

Time for Beacon Hill to make changes!

Lawmakers targeted in inquiry

US attorney looking at Democrats who may have gained from Probation Dept. hiring

(Wendy Maeda/Globe Staff)Robert DeLeo says that he did not use his ties to former Probation Commissioner John J. O’Brien to win votes from fellow Democrats to become the speaker of the Massachusetts House.

By Andrea Estes and Scott Allen

Globe Staff / July 15, 2012

 

Federal prosecutors investigating the scandal-plagued Probation Department are focusing on Democratic legislators who may have benefited from the agency’s allegedly rigged hiring system, including House Speaker Robert A. DeLeo, one of the most influential politicians in helping people get jobs under former commissioner John J. O’Brien.

 

Prosecutors have subpoenaed several lawmakers to testify before a secret grand jury considering criminal charges in recent weeks, including Representative John Rogers, the Norwood lawmaker DeLeo defeated to become House speaker in 2009. Rogers’s supporters have long suspected that O’Brien helped DeLeo win by giving jobs to people close to legislators backing DeLeo, a charge both men deny.

People with direct knowledge of the grand jury proceedings in Worcester say that prosecutors have also called at least two legislators who voted for DeLeo for speaker after people close to them received probation jobs.

“Yes, I was called to testify and I cooperated fully,” said Representative James J. O’Day of West Boylston, one of the two. He has said that he planned to vote for DeLeo even before probation hired one of his colleagues in 2008.

US Attorney Carmen M. Ortiz has been investigating the Legislature’s role in politicizing the hiring process at the Probation Department for months, even calling former House speaker Salvatore F. DiMasi from his prison cell in Kentucky to testify before the grand jury last winter. But in March, when Ortiz announced the first criminal indictments from the 20-month-long inquiry, only O’Brien and two former top lieutenants were named.

“This is just one step in the ongoing investigation,” Ortiz said at the time.

Since then, prosecutors have been ramping up efforts to identify actions taken by lawmakers that could be criminal, such as accepting probation jobs for family and friends or even campaign donations from probation employees in exchange for voting to increase the agency’s funding or to vote for a certain candidate for speaker. It is a violation for lawmakers to accept something of value in exchange for any official act.

DeLeo, who has described O’Brien as a friend, was one of the most successful legislators at helping people obtain jobs at probation, including his godson, Brian Mirasolo, who, at age 28, became the youngest chief probation officer in Massachusetts history.

But DeLeo strongly denies that he used his connections with O’Brien to win votes from fellow Democratic legislators for the speakership, which brought him a pay increase of more than $30,000 along with a larger staff and far greater influence over state policy.

“There is no way any individual can honestly testify that jobs were traded for votes for speaker, because it did not happen,” said DeLeo spokesman Seth Gitell.

Paul F. Ware, the independent counsel who issued a damning report on the hiring practices at the Probation Department in 2010, said he surmises that federal prosecutors are now trying to negotiate a deal with O’Brien to get his cooperation in the investigation of politicians’ culpability.

“In terms of a criminal investigation, I think it’s predictable that the US attorney focus on political figures who may have had a lot more to gain” from Probation Department patronage than O’Brien, said Ware, a former federal prosecutor who is now a partner at Goodwin Procter in Boston.

O’Brien may be more motivated to cooperate since he was indicted on federal racketeering, conspiracy, and mail fraud charges that could result in up to 20 years in prison and $250,000 fines for each count if he is convicted. He also faces state bribery charges for allegedly funneling campaign donations by his employees to then-state Treasurer Timothy P. Cahill in exchange for a job for his wife at the state lottery, which Cahill oversaw. Cahill was not charged in the case, though a senior staff member was.

O’Brien “has to be very concerned for his family, and he doesn’t want to spend the next 10 years in jail,” said Ware, adding that he has no direct knowledge of plea deal negotiations.

O’Brien’s new legal team, appointed to defend him in June after O’Brien said he could no longer afford his own lawyers, declined to comment on any aspect of the case.

A spokesman for Ortiz also declined comment, but one person who follows the investigation closely said that four assistant US attorneys joined in the questioning during recent grand jury sessions, which is more than usual, and their focus was clear: elected officials.

People who follow the investigation closely say that prosecutors’ interest in politicians extends back to former House speaker Thomas M. Finneran, a key architect of the probation hiring system.

Finneran pushed through a 2001 state budget amendment that gave O’Brien — a Finneran protege and sometime jogging partner — nearly complete control over hiring and firing in the 1,800-person agency. After that, probation’s budget, which is set by the Legislature, soared and by 2010, probation employed at least 250 people who were friends, supporters, or relatives of politicians and court officials, the Globe Spotlight Team found in 2010.

Legislative leaders had by far the most success in helping people get probation jobs, Ware found. Finneran’s successor, ­DiMasi, now serving an eight-year prison sentence on an unrelated corruption conviction, was so important to O’Brien that he had a folder to track ­DiMasi’s recommended candidates for jobs.

Over time, the politically motivated hiring process led to an explosion of less-qualified candidates winning jobs at probation, which is supposed to protect the public from criminals serving their sentences in the community. The indictment of O’Brien cited 26 instances where probation officials hired or promoted candidates supported by lawmakers and judges, even though they were not the most qualified. DeLeo sponsored one of those candidates — his godson — while Senate President Therese Murray of Plymouth backed three.

Murray declined comment on the investigation, but said she “was not aware of any senators being called” before the grand jury.

Prosecutors are particularly interested in the heated 2008 race in the House to succeed DiMasi, who became the third consecutive Massachusetts House speaker to be convicted of a crime. Initially, backers of Rogers thought they could get support from enough Democrats to win, but DeLeo ultimately got the speakership on Jan. 27, 2009, without a vote because Rogers withdrew in the face of eroding support.

In the spring of 2008, amid speculation that DiMasi might step down, the Legislature unexpectedly gave the Probation Department $6 million more than judicial officials requested. First, the House Ways and Means Committee, then chaired by DeLeo, recommended an additional $2.3 million more than Chief Justice for Administration and Management Robert Mulligan requested. Then, probation’s friends in the House increased funding by another $3.7 million.

The windfall gave O’Brien more money for a flurry of hiring. By May 2008, O’Brien had hired people associated with legislators including O’Day, Harold P. Naughton Jr. of Clinton, and Geraldo Alicea of Charlton.

O’Day confirmed that he was called to the grand jury, though he wouldn’t say what he testified about. People familiar with the grand jury proceedings say Naughton also testified, but he did not return a call asking for comment. Alicea said he was not subpoenaed, though he was asked for documents shortly after the Globe Spotlight Team’s series.

All three deny any wrongdoing, saying they always planned to vote for DeLeo for speaker and that the probation jobs for people associated with them did not affect them.

Former representative Charles Murphy of Burlington, who became the Ways and Means chairman after DeLeo, confirmed that he, too, testified in June, but wouldn’t discuss his testimony. Likewise, Thomas Frongillo, a private lawyer hired to represent the House and Senate in the probation case, confirmed that he has interacted with the grand jury recently, but declined to be specific.

Though some observers expected the investigation to wrap up months ago, there are indications that prosecutors may be broadening their inquiry. According to one court official who follows the investigation, prosecutors recently asked about legislation that a group of ticket brokers pushed in 2006 and 2007 with the help of Richard Vitale, DiMasi’s former accountant, who was acquitted in the federal corruption case that sent DiMasi to prison.

At the time, DeLeo was chairman of the Ways and Means Committee, which pushed the bill that lifted the state cap on ticket prices for concerts and other events. The House passed the bill, but it stalled in the Senate.

Gitell, DeLeo’s spokesman, said he was unaware that prosecutors were interested in the ticket legislation.

“We have no information that there is an ongoing investigation of the ticket broker legislation and have not been contacted in that regard,” he said.

Several people who have been following the probation investigation say they don’t expect more indictments, if any, until after the November elections. Ware, the special prosecutor, said he believes Ortiz’s office will seek indictments of some politicians.

“I think it is inevitable that at least some of the public officials who were direct beneficiaries of the hiring and promotion system within probation will be charged,” he said.

Andrea Estes can be reached at estes@


http://www.boston.com/news/local/massachusetts/articles/2012/07/15/federal_prosecutors_focus_on_legislators_including_house_speaker_deleo_in_probation_investigation/?page=full
globe.com. Scott Allen can be reached at allen@globe.com.

Casino czar Steve Crosby’s impossible mission

Knowing how corrupt the process has become on other states, watching the New Jersey Gambling Commission grant licenses to Trump and Merv Griffin aware of their insolvencies, watching the unfolding community destruction and much else, arouses suspicion.

Beacon Hill did nothing to restore public confidence with backroom deals, secret meetings and its refusal to conduct an INDEPENDENT COST BENEFIT ANALYSIS.

95% of Massachusetts residents believe corruption is widespread with good cause.

This is the web site of the Massachusetts Gambling Commission:

http://www.mass.gov/gaming/

Chairman Stephen Crosby added the word PARTICIPATORY to the Commission's Mission Statement. Let's make that work to assure adequate protection.

Casino czar Steve Crosby’s impossible mission
Steve Crosby had a comfortable post in academia and was nearing retirement. So why is he taking on the toughest job in Massachusetts?
By Phil Primack April 22, 2012

STEVE CROSBY was sitting in his comfortable office at the University of Massachusetts Boston when the call came.

It was just before Thanksgiving 2011, and Sydney Asbury, a top aide to Governor Deval Patrick, wanted to talk casinos. In days, Patrick would sign the Legislature’s new casino bill into law, creating a gaming commission vested with enormous powers to shape the multibillion-dollar industry taking root here. Would Crosby consider leading it?

Crosby’s first impulse was to say no. For one thing, he enjoyed his work as dean of the McCormack Graduate School of Policy and Global Studies. At 66, he expected to retire there. And after spending decades in high-profile and sometimes high-controversy political posts, he knew this one would come with at least as much risk as opportunity.

Crosby left the door open anyway. “I’ll think about it for a few days,” he told Asbury, “and then I’ll tell you whether I’ll think about it.”

A couple of weeks passed. Crosby’s reluctance evolved into interest and then into temptation. The chairman position would mean a big pay cut — its $150,000 salary was $44,000 less than what he was making at UMass — and a lot more stress. Yet Crosby likes big challenges and, immodestly or not, tends to believes he’s the best guy for pretty much any given task. He took a leave of absence from UMass and said yes.

“If you believe in public service and are interested in public policy, as I have been all my life, how often do you get a chance to take on this big a challenge?” Crosby says now, over a cup of coffee at Berkeley Perk Cafe in the South End.

Dressed in a blue T-shirt and slacks, Crosby looks little like one of the most powerful people in Massachusetts — but that’s exactly who he is. The Massachusetts Gaming Commission, made up of Crosby and four others, will oversee $20 million borrowed from the state’s rainy day fund to cover initial setup costs, hire as many as 150 staffers, and craft the rules that regulate casinos in the state. And rather than make recommendations to the governor, the commission itself will decide which, if any, of the gambling giants now circling get one of three resort casino licenses it’s able to award.

Though Crosby is mapping uncharted territory in Massachusetts, he knows it has been dotted with land mines elsewhere. In 2011, a Pennsylvania grand jury alleged that the early work of the state’s Gaming Control Board seemed more preoccupied with political favoritism and other “noncriminal misconduct” than the public interest.

“The decision has been made to profoundly alter the economic, cultural, and social environment of Massachusetts,” Crosby says. “The challenge is to manage that in the best possible way.” He believes that by being transparent from the start, the commission “will build credibility for later, when the big choices come.”

No matter what they decide, Crosby and his fellow commissioners are going to take heat, especially from spurned bidders and anti-gambling activists. “I’m almost sorry Steve took this job,” says former Massachusetts lieutenant governor Donald Dwight, who gave Crosby a start in state politics four decades ago. “It’s as about as impossible as any position I’ve seen in public service. The odds of him being 100 percent successful — whatever the definition of success — are pretty long.”


***


BORN IN MISSOURI, Crosby moved with his family to Massachusetts when his father, an Air Force officer, was hired as a professor at Boston University. When Crosby was in his teens, the family landed in West Pakistan, where his father was helping develop a curriculum for a new air force academy there (Crosby learned years later that his dad was also working for the CIA). With the election of John F. Kennedy in 1960, Crosby says he got caught up in the “gestalt about public service.”

He returned to Massachusetts the next year and eventually captained the Newton High School football team. He played football at Harvard University, too, where he majored in political science. One teammate was star halfback Scott Harshbarger, future Massachusetts attorney general and now one of the state’s fiercest casino foes. “I got the award for being an enthusiastic but not very good player,” Crosby recalls. “I held dummies for Scott to run into.”

Crosby, a self-described moderate-to-liberal Republican, is comfortable crossing dividing lines, whether they’re between political parties or the public and private sectors. On the Republican side, he managed the successful campaign of Lieutenant Governor Dwight in 1970 and the unsuccessful one of Governor Francis Sargent in 1974; then, in 1979, he was Democrat Kevin White’s campaign manager in his successful run for mayor of Boston. In 2006, Crosby cochaired the budget and finance transition team for Patrick. In the decades between, Crosby was a successful entrepreneur in a number of publishing and other ventures. He returned to Beacon Hill as secretary of administration and finance under Governor Paul Cellucci and then chief of staff to Governor Jane Swift during her tumultuous time in office.

Through it all, Crosby has generally managed to avoid getting people so angry at him that he would want to retreat permanently to the garden he tends with his wife, Helen Strieder, retired interim CEO of New England Baptist Hospital, at their home in Jamaica Plain.

Still, he is invariably drawn to the public policy flame. When Patrick needed a panel to review salaries at the state’s quasi-public agencies, he asked Crosby to chair it (while finding that salaries were generally reasonable, the report said the agencies were “universally deficient in oversight”). When the Supreme Judicial Court needed to examine the hiring and promotion practices of the Massachusetts courts and Probation Department in 2010, Crosby again got the nod, this time for a task force under his old teammate Harshbarger (they called for major reforms to ensure merit-based decisions).

Things sometimes got contentious on the SJC panel, recalls another one of its members, James McHugh, a retired associate justice of the Massachusetts Appeals Court who is now serving with Crosby on the Gaming Commission. “Some people wanted to go way out in one direction, and others wanted to not go as far,” says McHugh. “With his great sense of humor, Steve was able to just say something that broke the tension” and let them get back to work. McHugh says he agreed to join the commission in large part because Crosby was chairing it.

“I was gratified that someone with the integrity of a Steve Crosby took the [gaming] position,” says Pam Wilmot, executive director of Common Cause Massachusetts, who served with Crosby on yet another panel in 2008, this one looking at compensation of high-ranking officials. “Generally, the [casino] law gives some protection to the public. That said, there’s a tremendous amount of money involved, and in other states, the industry has taken over politics. I have concern for his or anyone’s ability to weather the controversy that is sure to [come] around gambling and implementing this law.”

Andy Lietz faced that storm as chairman of the New Hampshire Gaming Study Commission in 2009 and 2010 (disclosure: I was hired to write that panel’s report). A business veteran and no stranger to politics, Lietz was nonetheless taken aback by the vehemence and occasional hyperbole of the casino debate. “[Crosby] will have people coming at him from a thousand different directions,” he says, “all with very strong opinions.”

Crosby is getting a taste of that already. “The intensity with which every word and action is scrutinized is beyond anything I’ve ever experienced,” he says. And he’s seen how deeply casino tentacles already reach into Massachusetts. He’s put off spending time with some friends because they are involved with gambling interests, as lawyers, consultants, or in other capacities. And when he sought legal advice about potential exposure to personal liability if he is sued over his work on the panel, he had trouble finding a law firm to represent him — almost all had some kind of conflict of interest.

Yet late in his long career, Crosby is ready for his toughest job. “Even with its considerable possibility for bumps in the road and even failure, this is pretty exciting,” he says. “This is the kind of life I’ve led. I like big challenges. I like having an impact. I’d rather have me making a lot of these decisions than others.”

Even Harshbarger, who doesn’t have any good things to say about gaming coming to Massachusetts, is confident in the competence and integrity of the commissioners. “Steve is doing this because he truly believes this is an important public service,” he says. “He doesn’t need this to make his reputation. This is going to be his legacy.”


***


WHILE REACTION to their appointments has been generally positive, the commissioners have been criticized for lacking casino experience. But Patrick and other state officials who named the panel argue that competence and a good reputation outweigh  industry experience. Plus, the commissioners will have a full staff  to help them learn on the job.

Crosby has begun his work by schooling himself in the details of gaming finances and regulations, though learning how to play craps is low on his list — he says he’s never even pulled a slot machine arm. He did, however, receive a copy of Casino Gambling for Dummies from his stepson as a gag gift shortly after his appointment. And someone else gave him a pair of pink fuzzy dice, which he hung from the mirror of his silver BMW (“It’s so ironic and tacky that I can’t resist,” he says).

Crosby and his wife recently visited the Mohegan Sun casino in Connecticut on a kind of reconnaisance mission. As they stood in a sea of slot machines, Helen had an odd thought. “What happens if we win big?” she asked. “It will be a big story.” She was right— Crosby opted to steer clear of the machines yet again.

“No one in the world ever before,” he says, “has not played the slots for fear that they might win.”

Phil Primack, a freelance writer and editor in Medford.

Our View: Corruption thrives with state secrets

The candidate who ran for Governor on a platform of reform has sorely disappointed his supporters by negotiating Expanded Gambling behind closed doors.

So much for leadership!

Our View: Corruption thrives with state secrets
April 12, 2012 12:00 AM

In a state where public corruption cases seem as common as seashells on a beach, it came as somewhat of a surprise that Massachusetts received the 10th highest score, among 50 states, in the "State Integrity Investigation." Conducted by the Center for Public Policy, Global Integrity and Public Radio International, the investigation was designed to measure the risk for public corruption.

Massachusetts received a grade of "C" and a numerical score of 74, garnering the highest scores for its approach to redistricting, its transparency of political and campaign finance records, and lobbying disclosure rules. While there is reason to feel good on these fronts, the news on other fronts is dismal.

The state received an "F" for public access to government information, an "F" for public access to the state budget process, and a "D+" for legislative accountability.

In the last 15 years, three consecutive state Speakers of the House have been convicted on federal corruption charges, several state contractor employees were convicted for fraud, false billing and shoddy work related to the financially bloated Big Dig project, and a Boston state senator was convicted on bribery charges after she was photographed stuffing the ill-gotten money into her bra.

The latest barrage of public corruption cases involved six former state officials who were indicted over the last two weeks.

On March 24, former state Probation Commissioner John J. O'Brien and two of his former deputies, Elizabeth V. Tavares and William H. Burke III, were indicted on charges that they gave job applicants, who were sponsored by powerful lawmakers, including Senate President Therese Murray, D-Plymouth, and House Speaker Robert DeLeo, D-Winthrop, hiring preference over more qualified candidates. O'Brien, Tavares and Burke are accused of maintaining "sponsor lists" to ensure that sponsored candidates were hired. Their motive, say prosecutors, was to curry favor with the Legislature, which controls the agency's budget.

On April 3, former state Treasurer Timothy Cahill and his former chief of staff Scott S. Campbell were indicted for allegedly orchestrating a state lottery television advertising campaign, funded with $1.6 million in taxpayer money, which prosecutors say was intended to boost Cahill's failing 2010 gubernatorial campaign. Cahill's former lottery chief of staff Alfred J. Grazioso was also indicted on two counts of obstruction of justice.

That these cases involve legislators, a statewide office holder and public agency leaders comes as little surprise when looking at the weaknesses pointed out by the integrity investigation.

Most of the wrangling over the state budget, as well as major legislative actions, happens behind closed doors, and the public has no legal access to records from these meetings. The 2011 casino gambling bill, arguably the most transformational bill in the last decade, was negotiated by the Governor, Senate President and House Speaker before it was sent to the Legislature, where it was approved with relatively little debate.

History shows us that corruption flourishes when the press and the public are not given the opportunity to see how and why public officials make decisions, how and why taxpayer money is spent and which special interests are influencing the actions of public officials.

Massachusetts: 12th Bristol Election

There are many reasons for the election results and it
should be noted that Keiko Orrall was ANTI - Slot Barns.

She came out early in the campaign and won attention
for her opposition.

In addition, Senator Pacheco endorsed Roger Brunelle,
a union activist. Unions got the Senator elected and anti-
union sentiment is growing.

There are local grumblings about the Senator's failures
to assist Middleboro residents in the resolution of their
difficulties in a senior mobile home park and much
else. Remember seniors vote in high percentages!

Former Rep, Canessa, who had vacated this seat,
stepped forward and assisted.

The Senator's name is also connected to the Probation Dept.
scandal.

As for me? Senator Pacheco has been so blinded by the Fools'
Gold of Slot Barns, he turned his back on me in a public forum
after a "Shill" made a comment about supporting Predatory
Gambling. Then the Senator left Gardner Auditorium as I
got up to speak after I endured listening to the Senator invoke
the name of his "Patron Saint of Slot Barns" repeatedly and
misstate facts.

The Senator has stopped listening and is losing support as a
consequence.

There is also widespread local anger about the tactics Marsha
Brunelle (the candidate's mother) employed to silence public
comments when she was Chairwoman of the Board of Selectmen
and local condemnation has been voiced.

It is my understanding that during a public debate, the candidate
packed the audience with carefully scripted questions for which he
was prepared and when asked an unscripted question, he
fumbled. I witnessed his previous employment of that tactic.


Yes, it's about corruption, but is this the first "ANTI-CASINO"
vote as well?

When will Beacon Hill do its job?

Massachusetts 'leadership' (if we can call it that!) is again negligent and the cost is the lives of disabled individuals.

The focus for far too long had been on back room deals and secret meetings to address "Slot Barn Gambling."

The Gambling Industry has held the Commonwealth of Massachusetts hostage, stroking egos, providing undisclosed promises revealed during those secret discussions, monopolizing the media and providing campaign contributions.

Obsessed with the blinding lights of Slot Barn Glitter, leadership has ignored the rest of their responsibilities. The Governor, following the path set by his Republican predecessors has jeopardized the lives of those 'least among us.'

The system supposed to protect those unable to protect themselves has been sacrificed on the altar of "Slot Barn Gambling" by a Governor obsessed.

When will Beacon Hill do its job?


Lawmakers: Group-home deaths merit 'harder look'
By Joyce Tsai


Several of the area's state legislators are questioning the Patrick administration's plan to close four of the state's six institutions for people with developmental disabilities in the wake of a report over the weekend that two developmentally disabled men died in state-run group homes in Tyngsboro and Tewksbury.

The deaths, said state Sen. Eileen Donoghue, raise important questions about the men's quality of care and whether they received adequate supervision at those facilities.

"In my estimation, that certainly bears investigation," the Lowell Democrat said.

Although some argue that the cost of keeping open such state-run institutions for the severely developmentally disabled, such as the Fernald Development Center in Waltham, is astronomical, "it's not a dollar-and-cents issue," Donoghue said.

It's a complicated question, she acknowledged, adding, "Let's look at how the state can best care for people who are the most vulnerable in our society."

State Rep. Jim Miceli also said that the deaths -- especially that of a man who died after eating a plastic bag in Tyngsboro this summer -- simply should not happen.

"It's horrific," the Wilmington Democrat said, "and obviously we hold these agencies to the proper care of the citizens that are entrusted to them.

"Certainly, I want to see an investigation of the manning of those homes and what happened," he added.

The deaths have raised concern that the governor's plan could cause a lot of problems of a similar nature in the future, he said.
"Everyone likes to talk about our most vulnerable citizens, and these are our most vulnerable citizens," he said. "We should take a harder look."

According to reports from the state's Disabled Persons Protection Commission, obtained Friday by the Associated Press, a man living in a state-run group home in Tyngsboro died July 6 after he was taken to Lowell General Hospital on June 19 after swallowing a plastic shopping bag. No one at the facility saw him swallow the bag, even though the man required total care and had been flagged as someone who suffered from pica, a desire to eat inedible items.

Weeks later, on July 24, a man at a state-run home in Tewksbury died of a sudden undetermined illness that is still being determined by an autopsy. Although staff called 911 and tended to the man, who required minimal assistance, after he collapsed in a bedroom, he could not be revived.

Both had been transferred from state-run institutions that the Patrick administration plans to close. The man at the Tyngsboro home had been there for about a year after being transferred from the Fernald Center, and the man at the Tewksbury home had been there for four days, after moving from the Templeton Developmental Center in Baldwinville.

The state Department of Developmental Services, which runs the homes, said the deaths are under investigation.

But state Sen. Susan Fargo said it is crucial "to determine their causes, so they can be avoided next time."

The Lincoln Democrat, who represents Carlisle, Chelmsford and Concord, was saddened by the deaths and said she has been "very, very concerned about plans to close the Fernald center," which is in her district.

She believes commercial and residential interests have influenced the desire to shut the center.

Former Gov. Mitt Romney was among the first to push for closing the center because he wanted that land to be developed, she said.

"It's on an almost 200-acre plot of a prime real estate in Waltham, inside of Route 128, so it's a very desirable location," she said.

Although those reasons are "not stated" by advocates of the center's closure, Fargo said they have played a role in the debate.

"And in the meantime, those who don't have a voice were kind of shoved and moved around," she said, adding that keeping the center open "hasn't been a winning cause."

Fernald, which was the first center scheduled to close, on June 30, 2010, still has 14 residents in the facility.

A judge in a federal court case involving Fernald ruled that patients "cannot be forced to move against their will, unless they are getting equal or better care," Fargo said.

She added that although she supports community-based programs and has a sister with Down syndrome who has thrived in one of those programs, she is concerned that there have been other deaths for which the causes are unclear, and said that may indicate that those with developmental disabilities do not like a change in surroundings and don't thrive after such a move.

Many have lived in those facilities their whole lives, and such a move is "traumatic," said David Kassel, spokesman for the Massachusetts Coalition of Families and Advocates, an advocacy group for people with developmental disabilities and their families, who has argued against the plan.

Fargo agreed, noting that it's especially hard for people with complex medical conditions.

"To be picked up and moved at 50, 60, 70 or 80 years old is very hard on them," she said. "And we are concerned it's not just these two people, but others, that may not be getting equal or better care."

Beacon Hill Attitude Change Required

Speaking with many who interact in a professional capacity with the Probation Dept., the policy of patronage, no show jobs, nepotism - in short, the policy of corruption that created a Hack Haven was widely known and of long standing.

The legislation signed into law is lacking, as other editorials have indicated, as well as the comments below.

This might be an adequate 'band aid' for now, but an Attitude Change is required to restore public confidence that includes the elimination of back room deals.

One must wonder WHY the Governor signed this legislation if it was unacceptable. Hmm!


Governor signs court reform law
But Patrick plans to push for Probation Dept. oversight
By Stephanie Ebbert
Globe Staff

Governor Deval Patrick yesterday signed into law a court reform measure that aims to eliminate patronage in the Probation Department, but he signaled that he would continue to push for more systematic changes, which were already rebuffed by the two other branches of government.


“I would be remiss if I did not acknowledge and remind you that there is more work to be done,’’ Patrick wrote in a signing statement he issued with the new law yesterday. “The reforms required by this bill are important steps forward, but they alone do not create a modern, more accountable Probation Department.’’

In his letter, the governor continued his push to absorb the Probation Department, which remains under the judiciary‘s control, into his administration. “I still believe that centralizing parole and probation in a unified agency, as is done in more than 25 states, will make the departments more accountable, improve supervision and public safety, and be more cost-effective than the current bifurcated system,’’ Patrick wrote.

“I also believe that we must stop the costly and ineffective practice of warehousing nonviolent drug offenders, rather than favoring treatment.’’

The court reform measure was prompted by a 2010 Globe Spotlight report that found the Probation Department to be a haven for patronage hires and by a subsequent independent report that found the probation commissioner ran the department as a job agency for friends and family members of lawmakers, who in return generously funded his budget.

The three branches of government have repeatedly sparred over the issue in recent months, as legislators, embarrassed by exposure of their deep involvement in the Probation Department, took concerted steps to repair public perceptions.

But the governor continued to try to grab control of the department in an effort to create clear oversight.

In his letter yesterday, Patrick chided the state’s judges, saying he was “curious to see’’ them supporting the bill, which he says calls for eight new administrative jobs, in light of their concerns about hiring.

Last month, judges slammed the governor and the Legislature for budget cuts they said were so severe that they would be forced to lay off staff and shut down courthouses.

“At the same time, the court has recently called for a moratorium on judicial appointments as necessary to save the jobs of the current court personnel,’’ Patrick wrote in his signing statement. “I will listen with interest as the justices reconcile their positions.’’

Yesterday, House Speaker Robert A. DeLeo and Senate President Therese Murray issued a joint statement returning the governor’s volley, saying the Legislature had listened to all sides of the argument and concluded “that the most efficient place for probation to be is with the judiciary.’’

“In fact, the only advocate for merging parole and probation into one agency under the control of the executive branch was the governor,’’ they wrote.

They also said that, with the exception of the one new court administrator who will oversee hiring, the employees would come from the judiciary’s current rolls and budget.

“The deputy court administrators “do not represent new positions,’’ they wrote. “They already exist in each department of the Trial Court. The legislation standardizes their duties and responsibilities and streamlines their reporting authority.’’

The new law calls for a court administrator to approve all hiring, , attending to a concern that the commissioner had unilateral control that was exploited by his friends in the Legislature.

The law also creates a standard hiring process for all court and probation officers and requires applicants to meet minimum qualifications to get jobs, rather than being referred by legislators.

And it makes letters of recommendation from lawmakers part of the public record.

“It truly is the most significant piece of court reform legislation we’ve seen in the last few decades,’’ Martin Healy, chief legal counsel for the Massachusetts Bar Association, said yesterday. For years, task forces examining the courts have been recommending that the judiciary hire a court administrator, he said.

The association also disagrees with the governor about which branch should manage probation, saying that judges who work with probation officers on a daily basis should oversee their department.

“I think that issue has for now been decided,’’ Healy said. “The governor signed the bill. The bill maintains the probation office within the judicial branch.’’

The judges did not immediately issue a response to the governor.



3rdBranch wrote:
This bill does something far more important.

As stated in the Editorials of the Eagle Tribune of August 1st and other publications:

“Under current law, disciplinary proceedings against judges are opened to the public automatically once formal charges are filed. Under the proposed law, the SJC must act to make the proceedings public.

That's a significant change in the law, one that moves in the wrong direction — from greater transparency to less transparency.”

The almost incomprehensible action of the legislature and our (lawyer) governor is of enormous consequence to the public . . . and not for the good. In fact, it is one of the WORST blows to transparency and accountability in the judiciary in our state's history!





Renewable216 wrote:
Deval Laurdine Patrick was elected in 2006 since then we've had the Evergreen Solar fiasco,the 91 million dollar barge to no where ,the proposed Wind Energy Siting Reform Act that takes our towns zoning by laws and stimulus funds used to buy old 2004 commercial wind turbines built before there was even a stimulus program.

How in the world did the Town of Falmouth buy two turbines in 2009 valued at 5.2 million each through the MTC ? The Massachusetts Technology Collaborative bought these two turbines in 2004 and kept them in a warehouse at $3300.00 per month until the politically embarrassing turbines were sold to Falmouth through some Beacon Hill backdoor deal with our federal funds in 2009.

How did stimulus funds get used for two turbines that were so old they had NO warranty left on them ? These turbines were sold like a used car !

The federal prosecuters need to probe this whole deal !

http://edocket.access.gpo.gov/2010/pdf/2010-9751.pdf

ENVIRONMENTAL PROTECTION
AGENCY
[FRL–9142–5]
Notice of a Regional Project Waiver of Section 1605 (Buy American) of the American Recovery and Reinvestment Act of 2009 (ARRA) to the Town of Falmouth, MA

AGENCY: Environmental Protection
Agency (EPA).

ACTION: Notice.

SUMMARY: The EPA is hereby granting a waiver of the Buy America requirements of ARRA Section 1605 under the authority of Section 1605(b)(2)[manufactured goods are not produced in the United States in sufficient and reasonably available quantities and of a satisfactory quality] to the Town of Falmouth, Massachusetts for the purchase of a foreign manufactured wind turbine to be installed at its existing wastewater treatment facility
site.

http://www.masshightech.com/stories/2008/08/04/weekly7-MTC-puts-mothballed-wind-turbines-on-auction-block.html

Friday, August 8, 2008

MTC puts mothballed wind turbines on auction block

As a result, the two turbines, originally purchased in 2005 for $5.2 million each went on sale last week





State Sen. Marc Pacheco still denies any wrongdoing in alleged Probation Department scandal, supports new bill
By Gerry Tuoti
Taunton Daily Gazette

TAUNTON —
Still denying any wrongdoing after an independent investigation alleged he and other lawmakers influenced hiring decisions in the Probation Department, state Sen. Marc Pacheco said he supports reforms signed into law Thursday.

"I was totally supportive of the initiative and any way we can remove any public doubt by having it be as transparent a process as possible," the Taunton Democrat said.

The new measure follows a patronage scandal detailed in an independent investigator’s report, which calls the Probation Department corrupt and mismanaged. Several state legislators, including Pacheco, were accused of influencing the hiring process in the Probation Department by securing jobs for friends and political supporters.

The new measure calls for a new "civilian" manager to oversee business functions and the hiring of non-judicial employees.

State Rep. Shaunna O’Connell, who had not yet been sworn into office when the investigator’s report came out, said she supports the reforms and wants to see more measures taken.

"The recently passed reforms are a step in the right direction," she said in a statement. "But we must continue to push for more reforms. I want the House to take up the Ethics reform bill as soon as possible so we can further clean up Massachusetts government."

While he maintains he did nothing wrong, Pacheco welcomed the reforms, saying they will remove any doubt or appearance of impropriety.

The independent investigator’s report, which was completed in November, describes a process in which the Probation Department kept secret lists of candidates the legislators supported, and a system in which the state lawmakers would urge state employees to solicit political contributions from their co-workers.

"I never had any issue with writing letters (of recommendation) for any individual," Pacheco said. "I feel it is within my job description to advocate for people who are qualified. Ultimately, it needs to be looked at by an objective party. It’s important we have an open, transparent process."

Most of the report’s references to Pacheco pertain to the 2005 promotion of Joseph Dooley as the first assistant chief probation officer in Bristol Superior Court. Dooley testified that on more than one occasion, Pacheco asked him to solicit contributions from his fellow employees and that he did so, according to the report.

Pacheco denied ever asking Dooley to solicit political contributions and said that any candidate he ever recommended for a job or promotion was highly qualified.

He added that he views the scandal as an internal matter within the Probation Department and said the independent investigation found no evidence of wrongdoing by lawmakers.

The report states that in and of itself, it is not illegal or inappropriate for legislators and others to recommend a particular candidate, "but it is for the objective interviewers and not those making such recommendations to decide what weight, if any, to be accorded to a recommendation. Legislators, judges and other elected officials should have no expectation that a recommended candidate, otherwise not the best choice, will be hired."

"Independent counsel did not uncover direct evidence that legislators were explicitly offering to sponsor candidates in exchange for campaign contributions, but there is statistical evidence that ‘pay to play’ was the reality," the report states.

Pacheco said he doesn’t believe lawmakers are responsible for alleged corruption within Probation.

"It’s a significant improvement over the process that was there, although the process that was there, if handled correctly internally, wouldn’t have been a problem," Pacheco said.