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Showing posts with label Mexico. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Mexico. Show all posts

Sunday, August 12, 2012

Shoemaker: In Mexico, corruption Kills






Shoemaker: In Mexico, corruption Kills
By John Shoemaker/Local columnist
Posted Aug 12, 2012


I glimpsed at a horrible sight as we drove by it on a recent business trip to Monterrey, Mexico.

It was the horrific remains of a burned out casino in the heart of a major city.

White crosses in front of the Casino Royale with the names of victims inscribed on them – 52 in total, most of them women playing slot machines. It remains a crime scene untouched.




Members of the Zetas, a Mexican drug cartel fighting for control, had rolled up in broad daylight to the casino in several SUV’s and jumped out to set the front of the casino ablaze with gasoline. Panic stricken, those inside ran to the back to escape but got trapped with no exit.

The owners did not succumb to bribes fast enough.

Throughout Mexico there is a sense of helplessness even with a new government coming to power.

Many fear it will only get worse with the new party in power that had proven to be so corrupt for many years before finally electing President Fox and later, Calderon, to oust the PRI. Now they are back.

In many of Mexico’s cities, the feeling is strong that a third of the police are on a drug cartel’s payroll. “You simply cannot trust any of them”; I hear this repeated to me by so many from Mexico City to Ciudad del Carmen.

Worse, many government officials at local, state and federal levels are also on the payroll of crime families.

Drug crimes are nearly an everyday occurrence. In many countries, it is an accepted way of life.

Beyond drugs, crimes of all types flourish and often are supported by government officials.

It has been widely understood that the main reason for poor economic conditions and lack of real social progress in many countries around the world is simply due to relentless corruption in government and especially in the police organizations.

Fundamental to the problems facing countries like India, China, Mexico, Venezuela, Haiti, and so many countries of the Middle East, Africa and the Sub-Continent are doomed by endemic corruption.

This saps the energy, ambition and hope of citizens.

The wealthy city of Singapore is one well know exception. I have felt completely safe on Singapore’s streets at any hour; no drug problems. Yes, you have to give up some rights which would be unacceptable in the U.S., but the lesson is proven: when a society refuses to accept corruption, the ultimate benefit will be fundamental to that society’s future growth and development.

Studies have proven that when police forces are paid a good wage, they become less susceptible to corruption. When the police are not respected and paid low wages, the results are very predictable. Of course, a well paid police must also be supported by an independent, effective justice system.

In Mexico, they are reeling from all the guns coming into their country from America to support trade to Americans addicted by drugs. It is a vicious cycle and there seems no end in sight.

At least for America, the unrecognized success for our society really must be credited to our very competent and effective law enforcement organizations. Backed up by a solid criminal justice system, business can focus on doing business and ensure growth with jobs and economic prosperity in a fair playing field.

America is fortunate because the people not only want a professional police force, they will pay for it.
For those in Mexico, I feel their sense of resignation.

A reminder is given every day when they drive by the casino on the way to work in Monterrey and other cities with similar shrines. Many of them just give up and say those who died were just unlucky.




Unfortunately, luck has run out for over 50,000 in Mexico.

When I returned to Logan International Airport, I smiled at the first Massachusetts State Trooper I saw and saluted him.

John Shoemaker lives in Natick.


Read more: http://www.metrowestdailynews.com/opinion/x1602171278/Shoemaker-In-Mexico-corruption-Kills#ixzz23Klezpi6

Wednesday, June 13, 2012

A Drug Family in the Winner’s Circle





A Drug Family in the Winner’s Circle



El Paso Times
José Treviño Morales's quarter horse won a major race in 2010.

By

Newcomers rarely make it into the winner’s circle at the All American Futurity, considered the Kentucky Derby of quarter horse racing.

Yet in September 2010, a beaming band of men waving Mexican flags and miniature piñatas swept into Ruidoso, N.M., to claim the million-dollar prize with a long-shot colt named Mr. Piloto.

Leading the revelry at the track was Mr. Piloto’s owner, José Treviño Morales, 45, a self-described brick mason who had grown up poor in Mexico. Across the border, Ramiro Villarreal, an affable associate who had helped acquire the winning colt, celebrated at a bar with friends.

As for the man who made the whole day possible, Miguel Ángel Treviño Morales, he was living on the run, one of the most wanted drug traffickers in the world.

Mr. Treviño, a younger brother of José Treviño, is second in command of Mexico’s Zetas drug trafficking organization. Thin with a furrowed brow, he has become the organization’s lead enforcer — infamous for dismembering his victims while they are still alive.

The race was one of many victories for the Treviño brothers, who managed to establish a prominent horse breeding operation in the United States, Tremor Enterprises, that allowed them to launder millions of dollars in drug money, according to current and former federal law enforcement officials.

The operation amounted to a foothold in the United States for one of Mexico’s most dangerous criminal networks, the officials said.

Using Miguel Ángel Treviño’s cash, José Treviño’s legal residency and Mr. Villarreal’s eye for a good horse, Tremor bought a sprawling ranch in Oklahoma and an estimated 300 stallions and mares. The Treviño brothers might have kept their operation quiet, given the criminal connection, but their passion for horses and winning apparently proved too tempting. In the short span of three years, Tremor won three of the industry’s biggest races, with prizes totaling some $2.5 million.

The Justice Department moved against Tremor on Tuesday morning, sending several helicopters and hundreds of law enforcement agents to the company’s stables in Ruidoso and its ranch in Oklahoma. José Treviño, his wife and five associates were taken into custody later in the day, and a total of 15 people were charged, the authorities said.

Miguel Ángel Treviño, 38, and another brother, Omar, 36, were among those charged. They remain at large in Mexico. Omar Treviño is also a high-ranking member of the Zetas, and an F.B.I. affidavit filed in United States District Court describes him as participating in the money laundering.

The affidavit said the Zetas funneled about $1 million a month into buying quarter horses in the United States. The authorities were tipped off to Tremor’s activities in January 2010, when the Zetas paid more than $1 million in a single day for two broodmares, the affidavit said.

The New York Times became aware of Tremor’s activities in December 2011 while reporting on the Zetas. The Times learned of the government’s investigation last month and agreed to hold back this article until Tuesday morning’s arrests.

The business was “so far out there it’s hard to believe,” said Morris Panner, a former prosecutor who handled drug cases. “Maybe they were using some kind of perverse logic that told them they could hide in plain sight, precisely because people wouldn’t believe it or question it.”

The Treviño brothers devised an elaborate scheme in which Mexican businessmen paid for the horses — some of them worth hundreds of thousands of dollars — from their own bank accounts so the purchases would appear legitimate, according to the affidavit. The Zetas would later reimburse the businessmen, and the horses’ ownership would be transferred to Tremor. The brothers’ activities on either side of the border made for a stark contrast. One week in May began with the authorities pointing fingers at Miguel Ángel Treviño for dumping the bodies of 49 people — without heads, hands or feet — in garbage bags along a busy highway in northern Mexico. The week concluded with José Treviño fielding four Tremor horses in a prestigious race at Los Alamitos Race Course, near Los Angeles.

By then, Mr. Villarreal’s story had come to a fatal, fiery end. Not long after the 2010 victory at Ruidoso, he was detained by the Drug Enforcement Administration and reluctantly agreed to work as an informant. Five months later, his charred remains were found in a burnt-out car on the highway outside Nuevo Laredo.

The buzz around Tremor’s winnings and acquisitions began three years ago, when José Treviño bought an estimated $3 million in quarter horses, including one named Number One Cartel.
Since then he has worked with breeders, trainers and brokers considered pillars of the business.

Tremor Enterprises did not always put its name on the horses it owned or the races they ran, presumably to avoid the attention of tax collectors and law enforcement authorities, according to federal agents.

But people inside the financially struggling industry do not need written records to tell them who is doing business with whom. And some of those insiders acknowledged that the subject of José Treviño’s identity, and where he got his money, was treated like so many taboos: people did not ask many questions, either because they did not care, or did not want to know.

“Everyone knows who José Treviño is,” one trainer said. “But all they cared about was whether his checks would clear.”

A Turn to Crime

Made up of rogue members of the Mexican military and police, the Zetas were a protection force for the powerful Gulf Cartel before they set out on their own in 2010. Their ascendancy ignited a spate of massacres and assassinations of elected officials, police chiefs, journalists and others, which turned organized crime from a law enforcement problem to the No. 1 national security threat for Mexico’s fragile democracy.

Miguel Ángel Treviño, known as Zeta-40, or just 40, was never in the military. But he became useful to the Zetas for his experience moving contraband across the border.

Law enforcement authorities say the Zetas have been able to rapidly expand their reach beyond Mexico’s borders with the United States and Guatemala. And while other Mexican drug organizations prefer to keep themselves and their money close to home, the Zetas have established outposts as far as South America and West Africa.

“The Zetas are particularly adroit at spreading their tentacles across borders,” said Michael S. Vigil, a former senior official with the Drug Enforcement Administration. He added that the gang’s extensive intelligence and operational capabilities allow it to take control of new territory so quickly that it is difficult for law enforcement to keep up.

Their primary stronghold is Nuevo Laredo, one of North America’s busiest border crossings and Mr. Treviño’s hometown.

He had grown up there in a large family with six brothers, including José, and six sisters, American authorities said. Like most local residents, the Treviño family treated the border as a kind of imaginary line.

Law enforcement authorities knowledgeable about the family said the siblings learned the tricks of moving easily between the United States and Mexico, using temporary visas and border-crossing cards to start families, buy properties and do business in both countries.

Court records lay out the nature of the brothers’ turn to crime, which dates back at least two decades. In 1995, an older brother, Juan Francisco Treviño, was sentenced on charges of conspiring to smuggle hundreds of pounds of marijuana into the United States.

On the witness stand, Juan Francisco described himself as a struggling entrepreneur who had tried to make a go of a small construction company, Treviño Masonry, but later went into trucking.

Prosecutors argued that those businesses were fronts for the Treviños’ smuggling activities, citing a raft of lapsed business licenses, false identification documents and suspicious wire transfers.

The defendant was sentenced to 22 years in prison, and remains incarcerated. José and Miguel Ángel Treviño were implicated in the case, but were never prosecuted for lack of evidence, said authorities involved in the investigation.

It is unclear whether the two brothers parted ways at that point or continued collaborating. Miguel Ángel Treviño’s rise through the ranks of the Zetas is well known. Jere Miles, an expert on the Zetas at the Department of Homeland Security, said that among the Mexican underworld, Mr. Treviño had gained the notoriety of a cult figure, one who has escaped unscathed from several gun battles against the law, made deals with no one and seemed unafraid to die. Dismembered bodies, dumped by the dozens, have become his calling card.

He also manages the organization’s money, according to George Grayson, a professor at the College of William and Mary who has written a book about the Zetas. Mr. Treviño’s closest partner in brutality and trafficking is Omar Treviño, who joined the Zetas shortly after his brother and is known as 42. The trail of public information on José Treviño goes cold until 2009, when he began buying expensive racehorses.

“From all appearances, he looked like anyone else interested in quarter horses,” said one person in the industry who knows José Treviño. “But he had a massive amount of money, with no good explanation where it came from. And he had a family name that made a lot of people wonder.”

New Player at the Track

As much as Tremor was a money-laundering operation, the Treviño brothers’ quarter horse venture allowed them to mix business with pleasure. Horses have long been considered a status symbol in Latin America and drug traffickers have been among the region’s most avid collectors.

Law enforcement officials said quarter horse racing was one of Miguel Ángel Treviño’s favorite pastimes, and even while living on the run, he has managed to keep control of several ranches and racetracks in Mexico and Guatemala where he holds match races, known as parejeras.

But Mexican horse racing — like so much else in that country — has been battered by the violence of the drug war. Breeders and owners often allowed Mr. Treviño to win races there out of fear that he would kill them if he lost, according to the F.B.I affidavit.

Many Mexican breeders have moved their operations to the United States, where they could buy horses with better bloodlines and compete for bigger prizes, without fearing for their lives.
“Much of the growth in American quarter horse racing is due to those guys,” said one industry expert, referring to the influx of breeders and buyers from Mexico. “They have spent a lot of money. And it’s made a big, big difference.”

The quarter horse industry, centered in the Southwest and California, features races that are shorter and faster than thoroughbred contests.

To get in on the action at American tracks, Miguel Ángel Treviño needed someone he could trust to pick a winner. For that, he turned to Mr. Villarreal.

Mr. Villarreal was an unlikely horseman, the socially awkward son of a bookkeeper and teacher known for his build and bottomless appetite as “El Gordo,” or “Fatso.” He began attending auctions as a child, and developed an uncanny ability to spot horses that may not have come from the best lineage, but whose stride or attitude suggested an exceptional capacity for speed.

Mr. Villarreal’s parents said he started buying horses as a teenager, mostly borrowing from relatives and friends. Still, he never seemed to have enough to purchase the kinds of horses that could compete for major prizes. Nor did the strikingly effeminate man ever develop the social skills needed to fit into the macho world of breeders and trainers.

In some ways, said one friend, he stopped trying. For a while, he named his horses after runway models — like Campbell, as in Naomi, and Elle, as in Macpherson — because he was captivated by women’s fashion.

Mr. Villarreal got his big break in 2006, when he cobbled together $10,500 to buy a colt at an auction at Los Alamitos, records show. He took the horse to Mexico, named it “El Sicario” — which means “The Assassin” — and entered it in the parejera circuit, where it began to beat younger, better-rated competitors.

“That horse got 40’s attention,” said one of Mr. Villarreal’s friends. “He told Ramiro, ‘I want you to buy horses for me.’ ”

He did not hesitate, the friend said. “This was his chance to live his dream.”

Mr. Villarreal’s father, who is also named Ramiro, saw it slightly differently.

“If someone like that asks you to do something,” the elder Mr. Villarreal said, “Are you going to tell him no?”

Soon, the younger Mr. Villarreal’s name began appearing on the lists of the top buyers at auctions in California, Texas, New Mexico and Oklahoma. His first champion was Tempting Dash, which won more than $600,000 in 2009, set a track record during the Texas Classic Futurity and gave Tremor its first victory in a million-dollar race.

No matter how successful, Mr. Villarreal always showed deference to his boss, calling him “Papi.” When Miguel Ángel Treviño wanted to see Tempting Dash for himself, Mr. Villarreal drove the horse, along with dozens of others, to Mexico.

Getting back was more complicated. To avoid inspections, quarantines and other procedures required for bringing livestock into the United States, Mr. Villarreal had trainers sneak the horses back across the border, herding them just after dawn through the Rio Grande.

“My son used to tell me that his biggest blessing was also his curse,” said Mr. Villarreal’s father. “He would tell me, ‘My problem is that I am good at what I do, so a lot of people ask me to help them.

Some of those people are good. Some of those people are bad.”

‘A Great Moment’

As much as Miguel Ángel Treviño relied on Mr. Villarreal, he needed his brother, José, to be the face of his fledgling American horse business.

José Treviño, the clean-cut father of three, with a small tattooed Tremor logo on his hand, almost always attended races with his family at his side. He often credited his success to a combination of divine intervention and dumb luck.

“After a win, he always says that he’s been blessed with an ability to pick the right horses and run them in the right races,” said one person who met him. “He’s always humble. He’s the kind of guy who knows what he doesn’t know, who seems eager to learn, and who isn’t shy about asking for advice.”

At the start, José Treviño seemed reticent in the spotlight, avoiding reporters by pretending he did not speak good English. But the more races he won, the more comfortable he seemed with cameras and microphones. People who knew him said he never sought out the media, but never refused to talk when they called.

And they called often.

“That was awesome, that was awesome,” José Treviño said, beaming before reporters in November 2009, after Tempting Dash won the Texas Classic Futurity. “We were expecting him to run big, but we weren’t expecting something like this.”

The following year, when the colt named Mr. Piloto won the All American Futurity in Ruidoso, N.M., racing writers called it the “biggest upset in All-American history,” and marveled at how Mr. Treviño, with a “green-as-grass” horse, could beat competitors with better qualifying times and world-class jockeys.

Mr. Piloto may have had help. The F.B.I. affidavit said Miguel Ángel Treviño boasted to associates that he had paid some $10,000 to “gatekeepers to hold back the horses competing against Mr. Piloto.”Last year a sorrel filly named Separate Fire swept the Ed Burke Futurity at Los Alamitos, Calif., delivering José Treviño his third race where the top prizes were worth $1 million — a record.

“We’re down-to-the-ground people,” he humbly told Track Magazine after the race last July. “This is a great moment, one we are going to enjoy for a long time. But I think you have to take it as it comes and don’t let it change your life.”

Still, his life did change. Tremor’s winning streak allowed him to hire the most respected jockeys, trainers and sales associates in the business. Last year, said people who know him, José Treviño moved his family from a modest suburban house in Mesquite, Tex., where he said he worked in the construction industry, to a large ranch outside Lexington, Okla.

The 70-acre ranch, Zule Farms, is named after his wife, Zulema, a former secretary who told people that she kept the books for Tremor. A person familiar with the ranch said that Mr. Treviño had converted a cattle barn on the property into a breeding facility, with state-of-the-art labs and special stalls where mares are implanted with embryos.

Across the quarter horse industry, people started to whisper about where he was getting his money.

“There’s no way all the money he’s putting into that ranch came from being a brick mason. It’s just not logical,” said a person familiar with Zule Farms.

Federal authorities said that José and Zulema Treviño earned less than $70,000 in 2008 and less than $60,000 in 2009.

Even so, he bought horses worth hundreds of thousands of dollars at a time, according to the affidavit. On at least a couple occasions, he had other people sign for the company’s major purchases, quarter horse industry records show. One deal was signed by a teenager who looked too young to drive. The other was handled by the scion of a prominent quarter horse family, Tyler Graham, who stunned a packed auction house in Oklahoma by agreeing to pay a record $875,000 for a broodmare named Dashin Follies.

At the time of the sale, Mr. Graham said he was buying the horse on behalf of a client he would only identify as “a Mexico resident.” Shortly afterward, records show, he turned the horse over to Tremor. Mr. Graham has not been accused of any wrongdoing.

An industry expert who attended the auction said the sale prompted more rumors. But he said sketchy deals are not uncommon in an industry where payments are made in cash and records are notoriously — even deliberately — unreliable.

“If someone walks into an auction with hundreds of thousands of dollars, and refuses to give his name, no one is going turn him away,” the industry expert said. “What they’ll tell him is, ‘We’ll register the horse in any name you want.’ ”

A Mysterious Death

As José Treviño’s prominence grew in the quarter horse community, so did Miguel Ángel Treviño’s place in the drug trade. By the end of 2010, he had helped lead a brutal expansion so deep into Mexico that the Zetas became not only a priority for Mexico’s security forces, but also an enemy that inspired other drug organizations to join forces and fight.

Miguel Ángel Treviño’s control over drug warehouses and hit squads across the border also compelled United States authorities to offer a $5 million reward for information leading to his arrest.
At the same time, Mr. Villarreal was falling out of favor with Tremor. He was openly upset that the Zetas had forced him to transfer ownership of one of his best racehorses to Tremor, according to the affidavit, which said the cartel used “the threat of death” to compel associates to sign over horses or help them move money.

Mr. Villarreal was also in debt because the Treviño brothers barely paid him enough to cover travel costs, friends said. Mr. Villarreal began padding his expenses, prompting Miguel Ángel Treviño to suspect him of skimming money from Tremor, the friends said.

In September 2010, Mr. Villarreal was traveling to a horse auction in Oklahoma when he was detained by D.E.A. agents during a layover at a Houston airport. A spokesman for the agency refused to comment on its relationship with Mr. Villarreal.

But several law enforcement officials familiar with the case said agents held him for up to six hours, questioning him about his ties to Miguel Ángel Treviño. Before releasing him, the agents confiscated Mr. Villarreal’s cellphone and computer, and ordered him to meet with them a few days later.

When Mr. Villarreal returned, the agents said he could either work for them as an informant or face being prosecuted himself, according to the officials. The D.E.A. wanted Mr. Villarreal to help track Miguel Ángel Treviño’s whereabouts and then lure him into the United States.

Mr. Villarreal pleaded that he was too nervous to pull off the ruse, adding that Miguel Ángel Treviño would never trust him enough to follow him across the border.

But the D.E.A. insisted and a beleaguered Mr. Villarreal relented, the officials said.

At least once, Mr. Villarreal tipped off his handlers when Miguel Ángel Treviño went to a racetrack in Nuevo Laredo.

“Mexican authorities took pictures of 40, but they didn’t try to arrest him,” said one of Mr.

Villarreal’s friends. “They told Ramiro that they were afraid too many people might get killed.

Ramiro told them if they waited any longer, he was going to get killed.”

Sometime around the end of that year, Miguel Ángel Treviño summoned Mr. Villarreal to a meeting.

Mr. Villarreal’s friends recounted the following incident as he had described it to them.

A pickup point was arranged in Laredo, where Mr. Villarreal was blindfolded and then driven into the Mexican desert by gang members.

Minutes dragged as Mr. Villarreal waited for Miguel Ángel Treviño. He saw two vats filled with a liquid he presumed to be acid, one of the trafficker’s preferred methods for disposing of bodies.

“Where’s Papi?” he asked the men.

“Don’t worry,” they answered. “He’s coming.”

Miguel Ángel Treviño arrived about an hour later in a car with more lieutenants and an unknown man, who was also wearing a blindfold.

The trafficker hugged Mr. Villarreal and asked, “You’re not screwing me, are you, Gordo?”

“No, of course not, Papi,” Mr. Villarreal answered.

Saying he would be back “in a minute,” Miguel Ángel Treviño walked over to the unknown man, took off his blindfold, shot him in the head and ordered his men to dump the body in one of the vats of acid.

Mr. Villarreal passed out. He told his friends he did not know how long he was unconscious, but when he awoke Miguel Ángel Treviño was slapping him in the face and laughing.

“What’s wrong, Gordo?” he joked. “You can’t handle seeing me kill someone? Next time, I’m going to have you do it.”

“No Papi,” Mr. Villarreal said. “I don’t want there to be a next time.”

The drug trafficker got back into his car and drove away. Mr. Villarreal was taken back to Laredo, where he immediately implored the D.E.A. to release him from their agreement.

“When I met him he was a complete mess; profusely sweating, gangrene in one leg, and barely able to walk,” said a former law enforcement official. “He was in between a rock and a hard place: either stay in the United States and risk going to prison, or go back to Mexico and risk getting killed.”

In the end, Mr. Villarreal, 38, continued informing for the D.E.A. and in March, Miguel Ángel Treviño summoned him to another meeting.

On March 10, 2011, Mr. Villarreal’s car was found incinerated outside Nuevo Laredo. There was so little left of him that authorities took DNA samples from the ashes to identify his remains.

One federal law enforcement official said some agents believed his death was an accident, but acknowledged that no investigation was conducted.

Mr. Villarreal’s father said he had little hope of ever finding the truth. Asked who he thought was behind Mr. Villarreal’s death, the round, balding man looked over at his wife, tears streaming down her cheeks, and echoed a refrain heard from so many Mexican crime victims. “If we ask questions, we could be the next ones to die, so for us, this is a closed chapter.”

Whispers of a “mob hit” spread across the quarter horse industry. In March, law enforcement agents even raided Tremor’s stables at Los Alamitos racetrack after receiving tips that Omar Treviño had flown there to look at some new horses. But none of it seemed to slow down Tremor’s business.
Last weekend, at Los Alamitos, a Tremor colt named Mr. Ease Cartel ran the second-fastest qualifying time for a million-dollar race scheduled for June 24. When Jose Treviño’s daughter was married recently, guests included prominent figures in the industry, and Track magazine covered the “big event” online.

“If he had been some thug, or the stereotypical person you’d expect to be in a drug cartel, then maybe people wouldn’t have accepted him and done business with him,” a former trainer said of José Treviño. “But he’s a really nice guy, so none of us wanted to believe he could have anything to do with the killing going on in Mexico.”

Mike McIntire contributed reporting. Jack Begg, Alain Delaquérière and Sheelagh McNeill contributed research.


Saturday, January 7, 2012

Suspected Mastermind of Mexico Casino Massacre Arrested

Suspected Mastermind of Mexico Casino Massacre Arrested

Baltazar Saucedo Estrada, whom authorities also suspect in the killings of two police chiefs and other crimes, was paraded before the media Friday morning by the Nuevo Leon state Attorney General’s Office

MONTERREY, Mexico – Mexican police arrested an alleged Los Zetas drug cartel leader who is suspected of planning last year’s arson attack on a casino in this northern industrial city that left 52 dead, officials said Friday.

Baltazar Saucedo Estrada, 48, whom authorities also suspect in the killings of two police chiefs and other crimes, was paraded before the media Friday morning by the Nuevo Leon state Attorney General’s Office.

Jorge Domene, spokesman for the Nuevo Leon security council, said Saucedo Estrada, alias “El Comandante Mataperros,” was detained by police at 1:40 p.m. Thursday while traveling in his vehicle in Monterrey’s San Luis neighborhood.

He was arrested along with two other people identified as Aurelio Lares Cisneros, 38, and Ricardo Ramirez Hernandez. Authorities also seized weapons, drugs and a vehicle from the suspects.

During interrogations, Saucedo Estrada confessed to ordering the Aug. 25 arson attack on the Casino Royale in Monterrey, as well as to participating in the February 2011 killing of an intelligence official with the Nuevo Leon state police force, Homero Salcido Treviño.

The suspect also acknowledged ordering the murder of German Perez Quiroz, the police chief of the Nuevo Leon city of Santa Catarina, part of the Monterrey metropolitan area. Perez Quiroz was gunned down in his office on June 27 of last year.

According to authorities, Saucedo Estrada also confessed to ordering the kidnapping and murder of several police officers in municipalities in the Monterrey metro area.

Mexico’s Attorney General’s Office had offered a reward of up to 5 million pesos (some $360,000) for information leading to the arrest of Saucedo Estrada, the suspected head of the Monterrey “plaza” (drug corridor) for Los Zetas.

A score of people have been arrested in the casino massacre, but authorities are still trying to track down another 17 suspects, including another alleged mastermind identified as Francisco Medina Mejia, alias “El Quemado,” and the top leader of Los Zetas, Heriberto Lazcano Lazcano.

Suspects previously detained in the massacre told authorities that Los Zetas gunmen torched the casino because the gaming establishment’s owner refused to pay protection money.

The gunmen told the people inside the casino to get out before setting fire to the building, but the emergency exits were closed. The majority of the 52 victims died from smoke inhalation, with only seven burning to death.

The massacre targeting employees and customers of the gaming establishment was one of the deadliest attacks on civilians by Mexican organized crime gangs.

Founded by deserters from an elite special forces unit, Los Zetas began as the armed wing of the Gulf drug cartel, but ended that relationship in March 2010 to go into business for themselves.

Regarded as Mexico’s most ruthless cartel, Los Zetas is accused of carrying out the August 2010 massacre of 72 undocumented immigrants near the U.S. border and is suspected in several similar cases.

The group has drawn the ire of older, established cartels through its extensive involvement in extortion, kidnapping for ransom and robbery, crimes that the other drug mobs generally eschew out of a desire to avoid antagonizing the general public. EFE

Saturday, November 26, 2011

Corruption in Mexico's casinos reaches across U.S. border

Corruption in Mexico's casinos reaches across U.S. border
By Tim Johnson
McClatchy Newspapers


WATERSMEET, Mich. – Hard times have been a constant for most members of the Chippewa Indian tribe known as the Lac Vieux Desert Band.

Nestled in a wooded corner of Michigan's Upper Peninsula, the tribe owns a modest casino, a hotel and a golf course. But the complex is far off the beaten path for tourists or gamblers, and many of the tribe's 600 or so members find that steady work is as unlikely as winning a jackpot.

So when a Mexico casino czar named Juan José Rojas-Cardona offered the tribe the chance to invest in Mexico's booming gambling industry, it seemed like a godsend.

But rather than a big payout, the disadvantaged Lac Vieux tribe got swindled. Its multimillion-dollar "investment" disappeared, adding the tribe to a list of victims that included a mammoth hedge fund in London, an Australian manufacturer of gaming machines, an Arizona investor and two Mexican textile tycoons.

Rojas-Cardona, however, has gone on to build one of the biggest gambling empires in Mexico. Relying on a silky sales pitch and apparent close connections to Mexico's top politicians, perhaps including presidents, Rojas-Cardona holds 60 permits to operate casinos in Mexico – even though gambling remains technically illegal there.

A horrendous act of violence on Aug. 25 first exposed the dark underside of Mexico's casino industry when gangsters firebombed the Casino Royale in Monterrey, Mexico's industrial northern hub, killing 52 people. Those arrested later confessed that they were pressuring the casino owners for payoffs on behalf of Los Zetas, one of Mexico's two biggest crime groups.

But a McClatchy probe in the months since has found evidence that the corruption in Mexico's gambling industry goes much deeper than a shakedown by drug gangs. Indeed, the entire industry appears to be deliberately opaque, designed by political barons as a way for them to hand out licenses as favors, tap casino coffers for cash, and let casino operators flout the law.

The Mexican system is so corrupt and unregulated that U.S. casino companies refuse to enter the Mexican market. That, however, has not kept Americans from being victims of the corruption.

It's unclear what, if anything, the U.S. government has done to warn investors of the risks or to help prosecute alleged scammers such as Rojas-Cardona, whose criminal record in the United States includes the dismissal of a drug charge in New Mexico.

Rojas-Cardona's life in Mexico includes a near-assassination in 2007 that was laid to drug barons or rival casino operators.

Ironically, gambling in Mexico has thrived under the National Action Party, or PAN, which swept into power in 2000 promising an end to the corruption and cronyism that had flourished in Mexico during the long reign of the Institutional Revolutionary Party, or PRI.

The PAN's candidate in 2000, Vicente Fox, was the country's first non-PRI president in more than 70 years, and his successor, current President Felipe Calderón, a fellow PAN member, won the post in 2006 in one of the most closely contested races in Mexico's history.

In a dizzying inconsistency, Fox's government in 2004 issued regulations that essentially ignored Mexico's 1947 law that bans gambling. Even though that law remains in effect, Mexico's Supreme Court allowed the new regulations to go forward.

In the ensuing years, first Fox's administration, and then Calderón's, issued licenses allowing 867 gambling venues, permitting some bingo, sports betting and slot machine parlors to expand into poker, roulette and craps without explicit legalization.

Calderón's office declined to comment on whether the president knows Rojas-Cardona.

Hundreds of full-fledged casinos now dot Mexican cities, and scores, if not hundreds, more operate off the books or under court protection from friendly judges who provide legal relief. Politicians balk at enacting new laws legalizing the current situation for fear that under-the-table payments may dry up and that global gambling companies could move in and dominate.


Rules ignored

Mexican regulators couldn't seem to bend the rules fast enough once they were in place. For example, Mexico's assistant general director of gambling and lotteries, Roberto Correa Méndez, issued permits for 41 new casinos on the day he quit in 2009.

"You visit any of these establishments, and most have games with dealers, card games, baccarat, and this is prohibited," said García Coronado, who's a member of the leftist Democratic Revolutionary Party.

The corruption and favoritism rampant in the Mexican gambling industry served as an incubator for the rise of Rojas-Cardona, 44, a man who spent much of his adolescence and early adulthood in Iowa, where his parents had immigrated from Hidalgo, a state in central Mexico.

From early on, Rojas-Cardona displayed a knack for winning friends. At the University of Iowa, Rojas-Cardona was elected president of the student senate.

After studying economics for five years, Rojas-Cardona left in mid-1990 without getting a degree, the university says. A small cloud followed him. The Iowa state auditor demanded that Rojas-Cardona and other senators return nearly $2,000 in "extravagant" spending on hotels, alcohol, rental of two Cadillacs and double-billing for meals.

Rojas-Cardona, known to one and all as Pepe, ignored the demand.

Rojas-Cardona was charged with a far more serious crime two years later when Border Patrol agents staffing a checkpoint at Orogrande, a remote New Mexico outpost less than an hour from the southern border, saw a white Buick with no license plates approach, then turn south shy of the checkpoint. It was 12:50 a.m., Feb. 11, 1994.

Court records retrieved by McClatchy from a federal records facility in Denver tell what happened next: Agents gave chase and when they stopped the car, they found a "very nervous" Rojas-Cardona. A Border Patrol dog grew excited, and when agents searched the vehicle, they found 17 pounds of marijuana.

Rojas-Cardona signed a plea agreement on the felony trafficking charge in June of that year, but by September he'd skipped bail and vanished.

In late 1998, federal prosecutors asked a judge to quash the arrest warrant and lift the indictment, a practice that sometimes indicates a defendant has become a federal informant. McClatchy could not determine if that was the case with Rojas-Cardona.


Permits granted freely

Rojas-Cardona's criminal past was of no apparent concern to Mexican regulators, who gave enthusiastic endorsements to him and his brother Arturo and their Las Vegas-based partnership, Emex Holdings LLC, one of a web of companies they set up.

Within a few years, Rojas-Cardona and his brother would hold a winning lottery ticket: federal permits to operate 60 casinos and gaming venues.

Just how Rojas-Cardona won the permits is far from clear. But he boasted of friendships with the highest-level politicians and even the primate of Mexico's Roman Catholic Church.

Rojas-Cardona had cast a wide net for foreign investors, sending a Louisiana intermediary to query U.S. Indian tribes if they wanted in on action south of the border.

His trump card: legal Mexican casino permits.

The Lac Vieux Desert Band of Lake Superior Chippewa was a perfect target. While some U.S. tribes had prospered since Indian gambling became legal in the United States, the Lac Vieux were not among them.

When Rojas-Cardona's U.S. agent came calling in early 2006, the tribe's leaders liked what they heard and saw a chance to take a ride on a gambling juggernaut.

Moreover, the Rojas-Cardona brothers insinuated that they had backing from the highest politicians in Mexico.

Claims of bulletproof political connections were stock in trade for Rojas-Cardona. William A. Graven, an Arizona investor, said in an interview in Phoenix that Rojas-Cardona claimed to need foreign funds because he was using his own profits to fill the campaign coffers of powerful politicians in national elections in 2006.

While some foreign investors claimed they were getting stiffed, Rojas-Cardona larded politicians, giving a small helicopter in 2007 to the mayor of San Nicolas, site of his first gambling club, Bella Vista. To angry investors, Rojas-Cardona pointed to his high-level political connections and told them to forget about their money.

"He gave the impression that he was Teflon," said Richard J. Verri, an attorney from a Chandler, Ariz., law firm representing the Lac Vieux Desert Band in a lawsuit against the Rojas-Cardona brothers.

Today, the Rojas-Cardonas operate 22 casinos under the Palmas brand and an untold number of others, making them among Mexico's biggest operators.

Angry investors such as the Michigan Indian tribe say they are frightened to come to Mexico to file a criminal complaint. The Rojas-Cardona brothers are "powerful, dangerous men, connected to the highest levels of the Mexican political establishment," Verri, their attorney, wrote in an email.

James Williams Jr., the former tribal leader, still ponders what went wrong, and why both the Mexican and U.S. governments refuse to take action against Rojas-Cardona.

U.S. federal law treats stealing from Indians harshly, requiring that non-Indians guilty of the theft repay twice the value of what was taken.

"What do we do? Do we just say, well, it's over? I can't accept that, especially when you've taken from 600 tribal members," Williams said.

Friday, October 14, 2011

Casino Royale Fire Stirs Scandal

Casino Arrests Stir Scandal in Mexico
Accused Plotter of Deadly Blaze Nabbed, As Alleged Corruption Hits Ruling Party.
By DAVID LUHNOW And JOSé DE CóRDOBA

MONTERREY, Mexico—A mounting corruption scandal related to illegal casinos is damaging President Felipe Calderón's conservative party, whose fight against organized crime has long been a central aim.

The scandal stems from an attack on a Monterrey casino in late August by alleged members of the Zetas drug cartel, who set a gasoline-fueled fire that killed 52 casino visitors, including a pregnant woman.

On Thursday, Mexico's army said it had captured the alleged mastermind of the attack, Carlos Alberto Oliva, nicknamed "The Frog." Mr. Oliva is seen as the No. 3 leader of the Zetas, who have terrorized much of Mexico through murder, extortions and kidnappings.

"This is a very important blow against the Zetas," Nuevo Leon Lt. Gov. Javier Treviño said in an interview. In the last two years, Nuevo Leon and its capital Monterrey have become a battleground between the Zetas and their former employers, the Gulf Cartel.

During Mr. Calderón's term, some 43,000 people have died in violence between drug cartels. But even as Mr. Calderón has sent in the army to fight the gangs, his administration—of the National Action Party (PAN)—let illegal casinos flourish, where the cartels can launder illicit money, according to both industry players and U.S. officials.

Mexico's army and police say they have now arrested virtually all the main suspects in connection with the deadly fire. But what smolders on is the scandal sparked by the fire.

Mexican officials believe the Zetas set fire to the casino to pressure the owners into paying extortion money. The Casino Royale, officials say, was a target because the casino lacked the proper city and federal permits to operate. In exchange for money, the Zetas would presumably offer the casino "protection" from city and federal inspections.

Days after the Casino Royale fire, Monterrey's leading newspaper published a video showing the brother of the PAN mayor of Monterrey, Fernando Larrazabal, receiving wads of money at one Monterrey casino. The paper suggested that many of the city's casinos, which lack legal permits, were paying off city officials—and drug gangs—to stay open.

The mayor has denied wrongdoing. His brother, Jonas Larrazabal, says the money was payment for selling cheese to the casinos. The comment was seen as laughable across Mexico, where selling "cheese" to make a fortune has become a national joke. Newspapers call the scandal "Queso-gate," or "Cheese-gate."

Since the Casino Royale fire, Mexican officials have admitted that many of the country's casinos lack the proper licenses or disregard gambling regulations, paying off local and federal officials to look the other way.

The owner of Casino Royale, Raúl Rocha, has told Mexican authorities he paid out some $140,000 each month in extortion money, although he declined to say to whom, citing fears for his safety, according to Mexican prosecutors. Mr. Rocha is now in Miami, people familiar with the situation said, and didn't respond to requests for comment.

The Interior Ministry last month filed criminal charges of abuse of authority against the former top official in charge of regulating casinos at the ministry, Roberto Correa, as well as Manuel Fierro, another top-ranking former official, according to ministry officials.

Both men, whose current whereabouts are unknown, are charged with allegedly giving out illegal licenses to casinos, ministry officials say. The charges carry a maximum jail sentence of 12 years.

"We found a real mess here," said deputy interior minister Juan Marcos Gutierrez in an interview. "But we are cleaning it up." Mr. Gutierrez said the ministry is carrying out a review of all casino licenses and will close down those that don't comply with regulations.

For Mr. Calderón's PAN, the scandal threatens the party's reputation for probity. While the party is largely seen as ineffective, it is also seen as more upright than its rivals, particularly the former ruling Institutional Revolutionary Party, the favorite to win back power next year.

"How can we criticize the PRI when we have our own rot," said Fernando Canales Stelzer, a prominent Monterrey PAN party member.

The issue has concerned U.S. officials for several years.

"The traffickers, the casino operators and corrupt politicians form a self-protective triangle which makes it difficult for honest law enforcement officers to get at organized crime," said a 2009 U.S. diplomatic cable released by document-leaking website WikiLeaks, signed by Bruce Williamson, then the U.S. consul in Monterrey. "One way for the Mexican government to strike back at cartels would be to take a fresh look at its policy on casino licenses."

The Interior Ministry said it was taking steps to root out casino-related corruption even before the fire. In June, the ministry fired the head of the gambling commission who replaced Mr. Correa, a former PAN legislator named Guadalupe López Mares, and her four top subordinates. Ms. López Mares hasn't been accused of any wrongdoing.

Since 2008, however, the industry's biggest legal players, like media giant Grupo Televisa SAB, have warned regulators that scores of illegal casinos were opening up, eating into the profits of the legally established players who stuck to the rules, paid taxes, and complied with anti-smoking and local fire laws.

"The casino industry is out of control thanks to corruption within the government and the judicial system," said Alfonso Perez Lizaur, the head of the country's main gambling industry association. "It's sad that 52 people had to die for the government to take this issue seriously."

Starting in 2008, the casino industry association, led by Mr. Perez, filed dozens of complaints with the Interior Ministry, according to copies of the complaints reviewed by The Wall Street Journal.

One case involved a former Monterrey city official, Sergio Gil, to whom Mr. Perez said the government illegally granted a casino permit in 2008. Mr. Gil couldn't be reached for comment.

Mr. Perez said he made repeated inquiries over the case to the Interior Ministry, but said he got no answer. He then sought help at the government's anti-corruption watchdog, and said he again received no help. Finally, he filed criminal charges at the Attorney General's office against several top watchdog agency officials for failing to investigate alleged negligence of top Interior Ministry officials, including Deputy Minister Abraham González.

Mr. Gonzalez is seen as close to Mr. Calderón. It was on Mr. Gonzalez's ranch in Jalisco that Mr. Calderón first announced he was running for president in 2005. Mr. Gonzalez denied any wrongdoing.

Some of Mr. González's closest aides, however, have come under scrutiny. Ivan Peña, Mr. González's former chief of staff at the ministry, worked for two casino groups after leaving his post in 2007, by his own account.

Mr. González to do with the casino industry since leaving the ministry in 2009.

Underscoring the revolving door nature of the casino industry and the interior ministry, another former top official, Miguel Angel Ochoa, currently works for a casino industry association that represents some casinos that obtained their permit through judicial fiat and which are not allowed to join the main industry association. His office didn't respond to a request for comment.

Monday, October 3, 2011

Casino Fire, Drugs, Organized Crime Linked

Global Action Needed to Stop Deadly Drug Gangs Say Anti-Crime Experts

Warning that the solution to narcotics trafficking must be global in scale, the chief United Nations anti-crime official began a two-day official visit to Mexico, where tens of thousands of people have been murdered and mutilated in drug wars over the past five years.

“Organized crime and the criminals behind these networks pose a massive threat to the region and are increasingly impacting on other parts of the world,” UN Office on Drugs and Crime (UNODC) Executive Director Yury Fedotov said after a first meeting with President Felipe Calderón in Mexico City, praised the country’s efforts in countering organized crime.

“These criminals are responsible for the death and misery of people across the globe through their increasingly diversified illicit operations. We have to remember, however, that such violent crimes form part of a much bigger, worldwide picture in which we face a complex and shifting threat; we have to remember that while the crimes are often violently local, our solutions must be global.”

In meetings with Mr. Calderón and a number of senior leaders, Mr. Fedotov’s will discuss areas ranging from human trafficking and migrant smuggling through to illicit drugs and corruption.

“On too many occasions, it is the citizens who have become victims while attempting to pursue a peaceful existence,” he said of those who are often most affected by organized crime.

Recalling last month’s “abhorrent” violence at a casino in Monterrey, where 52 people were reported to have died in an arson attack linked to drug gangs, Mr. Fedotov pledged his agency’s continued support to Mexico, noting that its location at the intersection between South America and North America often pits it against criminal groups working to undermine peace and security.

Speaking ahead of his visit, Mr. Fedotov commended Mexico’s security and justice reforms which are seen as critical moves in tackling organized crime while simultaneously placing victims at the center of support. The country’s ongoing security reform and other steps to respond to illegal activities are important as are recent moves to improve conditions for victims of crime during investigations and protect their integrity, dignity and identity.

In his speech to the General Assembly’s annual general debate last week, Mr. Calderón called on the UN to help establish strict controls in producer and supplier countries on the high-powered weapons that feed the arsenals of traffickers.

Saturday, September 3, 2011

Mexico casino fire spurs corruption probe

Mexico casino fire spurs corruption probe
by Katherine Corcoran and Elliot Spagat


MONTERREY, Mexico - A casino fire that killed 52 people in the northern city of Monterrey last week has put new pressure on the Mexican government to regulate a rapidly growing gambling industry that many believe is vulnerable to corruption, money laundering and extortion.

The state of Nuevo Leon, where Monterrey is located, launched a new offensive Wednesday against casinos as a videotape was released of the brother of the city's mayor taking wads of cash inside an unidentified gambling establishment days before the deadly arson attack.

Mexico's gaming boom has occurred under the administration of President Felipe Calderón, which has led a bloody crackdown on organized crime. The Calderón government says it has not approved a single casino permit since he took office in 2006 and instead blamed judges for issuing injunctions to allow gambling halls to operate outside of local authority.


Since March, a federal judge and a court secretary have come under investigation for their rulings approving casino operations.

London-based researcher Gambling Compliance Ltd. says Mexico may have eclipsed Brazil, Panama and Argentina as Latin America's largest gambling market. Mexico's largest gambling interest, the publicly traded Spanish company Codere S.A., says the boom has outpaced government regulation.

Gambling businesses must report their earnings to Mexico's tax agency, which has had trouble monitoring the income of legal operations, let alone illegal ones.

Nuevo Leon Gov. Rodrigo Medina announced initiatives to ban new betting operations and to better regulate existing ones. He launched a corruption probe into Jonas Larrazabal, brother of Monterrey Mayor Fernando Larrazabal, who was seen on tape visiting casinos and being handed large amounts of money.

The newspaper Reforma, which published the images Wednesday, estimated that one wad of cash passed in a cellphone box was $32,000. Mayor Fernando Larrazabal said that he supports the probe.

At least two proposals to better regulate gambling have been pending for months in Mexico's Congress, one that would create a federal gaming commission, according to a Gambling Compliance report.

Gunmen entered the Casino Royale in Monterrey last Thursday, spread gasoline and set the building on fire, trapping and asphyxiating dozens of gamblers and employees in what's believed to be a case of extortion.

Officials say the five suspects arrested so far confessed to being part of the Zetas drug cartel. Authorities says they are searching for seven others.



Calderon gives state of union address
By Nick Miroff and William Booth

MEXICO CITY — In his annual State of the Union address Friday, Mexican President Felipe Calderon pledged to press the fight against organized crime and police corruption during his final year in office.

But he backed off from branding last week’s casino firebombing in Monterrey an act of drug cartel “terrorism,” after the brother of the city’s mayor and a state policeman were taken into custody in a widening investigation.

Saturday, August 27, 2011

52 Killed in Casino Attack

Ex-Mexico prez suggests truce with drug cartels

MEXICO CITY (AP) — Former President Vicente Fox suggested Friday that Mexican authorities consider calling on drug cartels for a truce and offering them amnesty, speaking out a day after an apparent cartel attack on a casino killed 52 people.

Fox, who served from 2000 to 2006, has since advocated legalizing drugs as a way to reduce violence. At least 35,000 and as many as 40,000 people have died since President Felipe Calderon launched an offensive against the cartels in late 2006.