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Showing posts with label Herb Strather. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Herb Strather. Show all posts

Monday, December 23, 2013

Mashpee Wampanoag/Genting Tribe: The Problem With Sovereignty

Federal recognition bears costs and sacrifices, as many other tribes have discovered.



Tribe members question $70M in spending
 
Top Photo
Wampanoag member Michelle FernandesCape Cod Times/Steve Heaslip
 

MASHPEE — Two Mashpee Wampanoag Tribe members, punished for speaking out about alleged financial mismanagement seven years ago, are at it again.
 
Michelle Fernandes and Stephanie Tobey-Roderick are renewing their questions about a lack of transparency from tribe leadership about how and where the tribe is spending the millions of dollars it has borrowed from tribe casino investors.

By GEORGE BRENNAN

 
Nine members of the Mashpee Wampanoag Tribe want a U.S. District Court judge to order the federal Bureau of Indian Affairs to investigate the 2009 election of current Mashpee Wampanoag Chairman Cedric Cromwell.
 
On Jan. 14, a judge will hear the BIA's motion to dismiss the case.
 
In a brief supporting the motion, BIA lawyers contend the request for an investigation is moot because a subsequent election has taken place. They also argue that the United States has not waived its sovereign immunity to be sued by tribe members.
 
At issue is whether two members of the tribe who had been shunned by the tribal council – Michelle Fernandes and Stephanie Tobey-Roderick – should have been allowed to vote in the election. The plaintiffs also allege that voters weren't properly vetted to ensure they were qualified members of the tribe.
 
In an email to the Times through the tribe's public relations firm, Cromwell said the complaint has already gone through the tribe's appeal process. “Due justice has taken place,” the email states.
 
Meanwhile, questions are also being raised about the tribe's upcoming election in February. Four positions, including that of tribal council member Cheryl Frye-Cromwell, the chairman's wife, are up for re-election.
 
Fernandes and Tobey-Roderick want Frye-Cromwell's sister, Kim Frye, to step aside as chairman of the tribe's election committee.
 
Asked if that's a conflict of interest, Cromwell responded through the PR firm, saying, “The tribe has an independent election committee that follows the tribal election ordinance.”
 
There is a provision in a proposed amendment to the election ordinance that would require Frye to step aside, but that has not been acted upon. A meeting of the tribal membership had been scheduled for Dec. 3 on that ordinance, but had to be postponed because of a BIA hearing in Taunton that night.
Tobey-Roderick and Fernandes say a meeting has been scheduled for Dec. 30 to consider election-related issues, though there is no posting of it on the tribe's website.
 
In 2006, the two filed suit in Barnstable Superior Court with two other tribe members and within days all four were shunned by the tribal council, a punishment that stripped them of their tribal rights for seven years and banned them from events such as the annual powwow.
 
Ultimately, the suit was tossed from Barnstable Superior Court for lack of jurisdiction because, as a federally recognized tribe, the Mashpee Wampanoag is considered sovereign. But the substance of those allegations helped ignite a federal investigation that led to the ouster of former tribal council Chairman Glenn Marshall and, ultimately, his conviction on federal corruption and embezzlement charges.
 
Fernandes and Tobey-Roderick have since been reinstated, though they say some tribe members still blame them for bringing down Marshall and contributing to the collapse of a Middleboro casino deal that some in the tribe saw as a gravy train.
 
"That was a bad deal," Fernandes said. "They should be thanking us for saving the tribe."
 
Now, as the tribe and its new investors hotly pursue a new $500 million casino in Taunton, Fernandes and Tobey-Roderick are raising new questions about financial transparency. At a meeting Saturday at the Mashpee Rod and Gun Club attended by more than 30 concerned tribe members, they began to gather signatures for a petition saying tribe members deserve to know now much the tribe has borrowed from investors and how the funds are being spent.
 
The petition seeks information about tribal council salaries, credit card expenses, fees paid to consultants and funds allegedly doled out at the discretion of tribal council Chairman Cedric Cromwell.
 
It's information, the two tribe members say, that would be readily available to citizens of a town, state or country through public records requests or, in some cases, by clicking into a database. But under the tribe's constitution, there is no mechanism to file a public records request.
 
In order to call a special meeting of the tribe on the issues raised by the petitions, the two members need to gather 100 signatures of certified members. Another meeting is in the works for early January to gather signatures. The process was used by Cromwell confidant Aaron Tobey in the waning days of the Marshall-Shawn Hendricks administration to seek answers regarding tribe members being shunned and tribe finances.
 
Money is being borrowed and spent in the name of the Mashpee Wampanoag, so members should be entitled to the information, Fernandes and Tobey-Roderick say.
 
"We're not going to benefit from this," Fernandes said about the proposed casino. "Our children and our children's children are going to be faced with the bill to pay this back."
 
Sources have told the Times that the tribe's debt now exceeds $70 million from its seven-year pursuit of various casino projects. As of October, the tribal gaming authority owed investors more than $65 million, according to a document inadvertently handed out during the tribe's monthly meeting in November and obtained by the Times. The same document shows that in 2013, the tribe spent $27 million through its gaming authority. Sources say tribe leaders have since borrowed more money.
 
Fernandes and Tobey-Roderick say it's this trickle of information that has them worried about the unknown.
 
"We're reconvening because we see a problem," Fernandes said. "(Tribe leaders) say it will stop the whole gaming initiative if they give out information. ... Not only are they taking money based on our tribal status, government status, citizen status, but they're saying we're going to spend the money and you don't have a right to know what we're spending it on.
 
"Seven years ago, we asked, 'Where's the $15 million?'" Fernandes said about the money the tribe received from casino investor Herb Strather of Detroit. "Now we're asking, 'Where is the $70 million?' Where is it? We're at the same point. It's still an issue."
 
Cromwell refused a request for an interview through Frank Quaratiello, a representative of Regan Communications, the tribe's public relations firm. Instead he asked for questions in writing. He then responded in an email from the public relations firm that tribe members are "well-informed about tribe finances" and budgets and expenditures are reviewed by auditors.
 
"The tribe does not comment on internal financial matters," the email states.
 
However, tribal council Secretary Marie Stone, reached by phone, criticized those speaking out about tribe finances.
 
"We know the haters are out there spreading their lies," she said. "I think it's disgusting they are so shallow that they're willing to tear our family apart."
 
Stone defended the borrowing and spending that's been done in support of the Taunton casino. "It takes money to make money," she said.
 
As for transparency, Stone said tribe members were recently mailed the upcoming year's budget and though it doesn't attach salaries to names, it does provide a bottom line for all line items, she said.
 
Fernandes and Tobey-Roderick also question a discretionary fund that Cromwell has at his disposal that, according to multiple sources, allows him to provide up to $2,500 to an individual tribe member.
 
The email from the tribe's public relations firm acknowledges the fund, but says it is for "emergency hardships" and there are "strict internal controls" on how that money is spent.
 
Cromwell is supposed to provide a reason to the tribal council for payments, but sources say that hasn't been happening.
 
Tribe members have little recourse to force the issue without filing petitions. State courts won't hear their cases and recently the U.S. District Court, citing a lack of jurisdiction, rejected a request by Tobey-Roderick to have the court intervene on what she considered questionable credit card spending. The case was dismissed without prejudice, which means she can bring it back if she can make a stronger case for why that court should intervene.
 
Other records obtained by the Times show one-month American Express charges on a tribal credit card as high as $10,000 for some tribe leaders in 2012. Cromwell answered concerns of tribe members in 2012, according to a document provided to the Times, saying the money was for travel, food and lodging.
 
Tobey-Roderick and Fernandes say they want specifics in light of the recent conviction of a Pequot tribe leader in Connecticut who misused tribe-issued credit cards.
 
In the email to the Times, Cromwell said credit card expenses are also audited.
 
A recent decision by the Supreme Court of the Wampanoag Tribe found that there is no mechanism for tribe members to sue the tribal council — something tribal Judge Robert Mills said in his decision should be rectified. So far, it hasn't been.
 
Stone, who attempted to sue her fellow councilors over what she believed was an unjust suspension, said she will file an amendment in 2014 to allow action against the tribal council.
 
"This government can't be held accountable right now," she said.
 
Cromwell ran on a platform that boasted his financial acumen and a promise of transparency, but the two tribe members say he hasn't lived up to that vow. "It's not the transparent government they said they were going to stand up for," Fernandes said.

 
 

Tribe leader's election disputed

 
Nine members of the Mashpee Wampanoag Tribe want a U.S. District Court judge to order the federal Bureau of Indian Affairs to investigate the 2009 election of current Mashpee Wampanoag Chairman Cedric Cromwell.
 
On Jan. 14, a judge will hear the BIA's motion to dismiss the case.
 
In a brief supporting the motion, BIA lawyers contend the request for an investigation is moot because a subsequent election has taken place. They also argue that the United States has not waived its sovereign immunity to be sued by tribe members.
 
At issue is whether two members of the tribe who had been shunned by the tribal council — Michelle Fernandes and Stephanie Tobey-Roderick — should have been allowed to vote in the election. The plaintiffs also allege that voters weren't properly vetted to ensure they were qualified members of the tribe.
 
In an email to the Times through the tribe's public relations firm, Cromwell said the complaint has already gone through the tribe's appeal process.
 
"Due justice has taken place," the email states.
 
Meanwhile, questions are also being raised about the tribe's upcoming election in February. Four positions, including that of tribal council member Cheryl Frye-Cromwell, the chairman's wife, are up for re-election.
 
Fernandes and Tobey-Roderick want Frye-Cromwell's sister, Kim Frye, to step aside as chairman of the tribe's election committee.
 
Asked if that's a conflict of interest, Cromwell responded through the PR firm, saying, "The tribe has an independent election committee that follows the tribal election ordinance."
 
There is a provision in a proposed amendment to the election ordinance that would require Frye to step aside, but that has not been acted upon. A meeting of the tribal membership had been scheduled for Dec. 3 on that ordinance, but had to be postponed because of a BIA hearing in Taunton that night.
Tobey-Roderick and Fernandes say a meeting has been scheduled for Dec. 30 to consider election-related issues, though there is no posting of it on the tribe's website.


http://www.capecodonline.com/apps/pbcs.dll/article?AID=%2F20131223%2FNEWS%2F312230320&utm_source=ML+13%2F12%2F23&utm_campaign=20131223ML&utm_medium=email

 

Wednesday, June 19, 2013

Middleboro in line with others for $$$$




Middleboro upping casino tab to tribe to $1 million.
By Jennifer Bray
Posted Jun 18, 2013



The meter is still running on mitigation payments the town claims it’s owed for the Mashpee Wampanoag casino that was never built – a tab that will rise soon to $1 million, according to a selectman.

On July 1, Middleboro will send another bill to the tribe for an annual payment of $250,000, which will bring to $1 million the amount the town says it’s entitled to under the casino agreement signed with the tribe in 2007.

The $1 million, according to selectmen Vice Chair Allin Frawley, is part of a contract dispute – a dispute he says was never settled.

“We want the tribe to know that we are not going away and that this is not settled in any way, shape or form,” Frawley said.

The tribe’s counsel declined to speak with The Enterprise about the contract dispute. Instead, the tribe provided a copy of a three-page letter sent to the town in March 2012, which says: “The tribe has long made it clear to the town that it has no legal obligation to go forward with a casino in Middleboro.”

In July 2007, residents of the town voted for an $11 million a year host agreement that would have provided $250 million in infrastructure improvements for a tribal casino.

The IGA provided for $7 MILLION annually and then 'promises' that were overestimated.

According to Frawley, the 2007 agreement stated the $250,000 annual payment to the town would be in effect until the casino opened or until the agreement was terminated by both parties. Frawley said the last mitigation payment the town received was in 2008.

The plan for the resort casino off Route 44 fell apart amid the nation’s economic downturn in 2008 and other issues.



The problem with reporters who fail to conduct their due diligence is comic!


In 2010, the tribe announced they were eyeing a casino site in Fall River. That plan was later nixed and the Mashpee Wampanoags now are looking to seal a deal with the state for a casino in Taunton.

The lost mitigation payments have forced Middleboro to delay some projects, said Frawley.

“There are so many things that the town put off, like the wastewater treatment facility, updating ambulance services and the new police station,” said Frawley.

When asked if the town would take the tribe to court over the mitigation money, Frawley said he’s hopeful a settlement can be reached without going to court.

The state gaming law allows there casinos in Massachusetts, one in the southeastern part of the state and the other two in greater Boston and western Mass. The law also permits one slots parlor license in the state.

Jennifer Bray may be reached at jbray@enterprisenews.com.

READ MORE about this issue.


Read more: http://www.tauntongazette.com/news/x2126342252/Middleboro-upping-casino-tab-to-tribe-to-1-million#ixzz2WgZtLxIQ
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Friday, October 21, 2011

The Verifiable Truth

New web site, link added to the list on the right. We even have a lot in common, like Herb Strather, the original backer of the corrupt Mashpee Wampanoag Tribe's quest for recognition (for which Glenn Marshall went to prison):

The Verifiable Truth

Sunday, October 9, 2011

Investor whines about Mashpee Wampanoag Tribe debt

Letter: Investor whines about Mashpee Wampanoag Tribe debt

Tribe investor's losses aren't government's affair

The state-supported gambling issue in Massacusetts is hypocritical to begin with. How can a government make private gambling illegal (presumedly because it is a nefarious and crime-related activity), yet support it when sanctioned by itself? It doesn't matter if it's lottery tickets, casinos or horse racing.

Then I read about Herb Strather whining to the governor about getting his seed gambling money back ("Investor calls Wampanoag on debt," Sept. 29). The picture of him on Page A4 says a lot: big smile and double-fisted victory signals thrust exuberantly in response to the Wampanoag tribe's federal recognition in 2006.

My guess is that his elation had far more to do with his 1999 investment in their casino efforts than the tribe's official recognition as legitimate Native Americans.

I suggest Mr. Strather write off his speculative investment as a bad bet and hope his seed money was well-spent by the tribe.

Caleb Warren

West Barnstable


Friday, September 30, 2011

Massachusetts as Debt Collector for Herb Strather

Some have forgotten the Jack Abramoff connection to the Mashpee Wampanoag Tribe gaining recognition and Glenn Marshall.

It's pretty pathetic that a wealthy investor expects the Commonwealth of Massachusetts to genuflect and collect his unenforceable debts for him.

It's even more pathetic that they genuflected, just as Senator Richard T. "Debt Collector" Moore did last year.

Investor calls Wampanoag on debt
By George Brennan

Herb Strather, the Detriot developer who first invested in the Mashpee Wampanoag tribe's casino efforts in 1999, is calling on the governor to help him recoup the millions he says he spent on the tribe.

In a letter to Gov. Deval Patrick, Strather says he raised in excess of $25 million from a wide variety of investors to help the tribe gain federal recognition and pursue a casino.

He also claims that the tribe has reneged on a handshake deal to make mortgage payments for Maushop Farm, a horse stable in Mashpee he purchased for $675,000 and planned to donate to the Wampanoag once a casino was built. He produced an email from a Bank of America employee stating the mortgage is in default because of slow payments. That bank employee declined to comment Wednesday.

"We are seeking a fairness inclusion in the gaming bill that will make the tribe pay their debts before they can get a compact," Strather wrote to the governor.

A compact is a deal between a tribe and a state that sets the ground rules for how an Indian casino will operate and what payments the state would receive in lieu of taxes.

Strather's letter asks the governor to include language that would require the tribe to disclose "any individual or entity which has made such investment to said tribe, its affiliates or predecessor applicants of the tribe for purposes of securing a gaming license" since 2005.

The Senate approved an amendment with similar wording during Monday's debate on the casino bill. Senators are expected to resume debate next week. There is no guarantee that language will make it into the final bill that goes to Patrick.

A spokeswoman for the governor's office said Strather's letter had been received, but declined comment on whether Patrick would consider his request to make debt repayments a condition in the compact. She said it was premature considering the Legislature is still debating the bill.

The tribe, through a spokeswoman, issued a brief statement: "Mr. Strather's claims are without merit."

It's been a tough week for the Mashpee Wampanoag. As happens every time the casino legislation gets debated, other state tribes have questioned the Mashpee tribe's ties to Southeastern Massachusetts. Now, Strather is opening old wounds with complaints about the tribe walking away from his investment.

In a phone interview, Strather said that as a casino investor not only is he losing his initial payments to the tribe, but also the return on that investment.

The Times reported last year that casino investors Sol Kerzner and Len Wolman cut a lucrative deal with the tribe in 2007 that would have paid the investors 6 percent of any casino take. Strather retained a 5 percent interest in that agreement.

But in 2010, the tribe wanted to break ties with Strather, Kerzner and Wolman and signed a deal with Kien Huat, a subsidiary of Genting Group, a Malaysian company that invests in casinos around the world — notably Foxwoods in Connecticut. The tribe renegotiated that if allowed to open a casino, they would reimburse Kernzer, Wolman and some of Strather's investors for their initial investment, although not pay them any of the casino profits, Strather said Wednesday.

Strather said his money was not included in that deal.

The tribe has declined to comment on its agreement to sever ties with initial investors, saying it is confidential.

"We funded this for nine years and for another group to come in and, after we got federal recognition, to take our investment and profits, that's very unfair," Strather said Wednesday. "I wonder how the commonwealth would like that."

Patricia Oakley, the tribe's former genealogist and a tribal elder, said Strather has the support of some tribe members.

"We don't want to be known as burning our bridges," Oakley said. "Tribal members are upset. They are upset about initial investors not getting paid and because there's no transparency with this leadership."

Much of Strather's negotiations, both for the casino and the farm, were with former tribal council Chairman Glenn Marshall. Marshall is serving a federal prison sentence after he pleaded guilty to taking some of Strather's cash and using it to make illegal campaign contributions and keeping it as a personal slush fund.

Marshall was forced to resign in 2007 after the Times reported he was a convicted rapist and that he had lied about his military record.

Still, Strather is harsher in his criticism of current tribal council Chairman Cedric Cromwell than he is of Marshall.

"I'm not here to distribute blame, there's plenty to go around. I am disappointed, but I still love the tribe," Strather said. "Glenn Marshall did more good for the tribe than bad. He negotiated a tremendous agreement with me, and I lived up to it. Through Glenn's efforts, the tribe received federal recognition."

Most of Strather's comments about Cromwell can't be printed. "No question, I feel terribly betrayed — not by Wampanoag tribe, but by the council that represented them," he said.


Sunday, October 24, 2010

House of Financial Cards, Greedy Investors, Democracy Sold

Several articles similar to the one below have appeared and Sandy Adell said it best.

Marian Ilitch and New York’s Shinnecock Native Americans
Sandy Adell

In an earlier blog post I wrote about billionaire casino moguls, like Lyle Berman, whose enterprises broker the deals to gain Federal recognition for Native American Tribes and then work as middle-men between the tribes and the Federal government to hold land in trust in order to build “Native American” casinos. (See my post dated August 12, 2009)

Well now we can add a “middle-woman,” Marian Ilitch, to the list. According to an October 19, 2010, article on Crain’s Detroit Business website, Marian Ilitch has teamed up with the Southampton, New York based Shinnecock Native Americans in a new casino deal.

As I wrote in a comment on Crain’s website, it continues to boggle my mind that people like Marian Ilitch and other casino moguls, really wealthy people, are looking to expand gambling throughout this country under the guise of helping bring economic development to the less fortunate among us, this time to a community of 1200 Native Americans.

Gambling is not a philanthropic enterprise; The only real winners in the casino industry are billionaire owners, operators, and middle-men-and-women like Marian Ilitch and Company.



Ilitch teams with tribe on N.Y. casinos: Long Island plans could top $1 billion
By Bill Shea

Debt part of Ilitch equation

As the Ilitch family assesses how it will pay for the Detroit Pistons, Palace Sports & Entertainment Inc. and possibly a new downtown arena, debt remains on the family's past projects.

In January 2009, Marian Ilitch injected $45 million into her MotorCity Casino after lenders -- including Highland Capital Management LP -- threatened to hike interest rates to 18 percent on the $625 million loan her CCM Merger Inc. got in 2005 to finance purchase of the casino and for the later construction of its 300-room hotel.

The lenders reportedly wanted the additional investment because the casino was in jeopardy of violating its loan terms, a situation created when gambling revenue began to fall with the recession.

Deutsche Bank and Merrill Lynch arranged the loan in 2005.

The total financing for MotorCity is believed to be $950 million through a highly leveraged mix of fixed- and variable-rate bank debt and junk bonds, according to Forbes.

Ilitch paid $525 million to buy the majority ownership of the casino in April 2005 from Las Vegas-based MGM Grand/Mirage Casinos' Mandalay Resort Group, the MGM subsidiary that owned MotorCity.

She also paid Detroit entrepreneur Herb Strather $106 million for his Atwater Entertainment Associates LLC's 11.5 percent stake in MotorCity.


[If the name Herb Strather sounds familiar, it might be his connection to the Mashpee Wampanoag Tribe that he financed in order to gain recognition to build a casino.]

Another $85 million to $100 million went to former Ilitch partner Tom Celani for his 10 percent stake.

The Detroit Tigers, owned separately by Mike Ilitch, borrowed $140 million in August 2005 from a syndicate of 11 financial institutions, led by what is now Sumitomo Mitsui Bank, to refinance what had been $115 million remaining in debt from the original $145 million loan to build Comerica Park, industry magazine Sports Business Journal reported at the time.

The team has declined to comment on its current stadium debt.

Public debt on Comerica Park is through the Detroit-Wayne County Stadium Authority.

(This story has been updated to correct information about a lending company that was misidentified in the original version.)

The Ilitches' high-profile pursuit of the Detroit Pistons and plan to build a downtown arena could be dwarfed financially by the family's quiet effort that could top $1 billion to construct casinos for an American Indian tribe on New York's Long Island.

Marian Ilitch, sole owner of MotorCity Casino and matriarch of the family whose fortune is built from the Little Caesar Enterprises Inc. pizza chain she co-founded in 1959, has a casino development deal with the Southampton, N.Y.-based Shinnecock Indian Nation, which recently said it may build up to three casinos now that it has official federal recognition.

Even if the tribe builds just one hotel-casino, because it will serve New York it's expected to be significantly larger than MotorCity, for which Ilitch financed the purchase and expansion for $600 million. A trio of casinos could each still be as large as or even larger than the Detroit property.

MotorCity reported $446 million in 2009 revenue and had 2010 revenue of $333.5 million through September.

"The location will dictate the size of the casino, but it certainly will be larger than the operation at MotorCity," said Tom Shields, owner and president of Lansing-based Marketing Resource Group Inc. and spokesman for Ilitch and her partner in the casino effort, Birmingham developer Mike Malik.

The U.S. Bureau of Indian Affairs this month rejected final objections to its acknowledgment of the Shinnecock as a federally recognized American Indian tribe -- one seeking to build a casino, with Ilitch financial backing, to improve the lives of its roughly 1,200 members. They live on about 800 acres, mainly in mobile homes.

Such formal recognition, which the Shinnecock tribe first sought in 1978, is needed to open an Indian-run casino under federal law. It also makes the tribe eligible for federal housing, health and education funding.

Ilitch and Malik have been working with the tribe since 2003 on plans to build and operate a casino in Long Island's upscale Suffolk County -- an area better known as the Hamptons.

Casinos could be built elsewhere on the island to serve a wider population.

Ilitch and Malik are partners in Gateway Casino Resorts LLC and Gateway Funding Associates LLC, the businesses working with the tribe. They are headquartered in Detroit's Fox Theatre, whose offices are home to Ilitch Holdings Inc. and other Ilitch-owned ventures.

Additional state and federal legal, environmental and regulatory approvals are needed before a casino project can start -- something industry insiders have said is a long process with no guarantees and in which longer-recognized New York tribes have been mired for years.

The tribe prefers to negotiate with authorities to build a more lucrative Class III casino, which allows table games in addition to video slot machines under federal law. A Class III casino must share revenue with the state.

Ilitch and Malik will give the tribe financing and guidance on development and operations, Shields said. How much they'll be paid, and how much of a cut of the casino revenue they'll get, isn't yet known.

There is no timeline for the development, Shields added, noting that it's expected to take several years to get approvals and finish construction.

Beverly Jensen, communications officer for the tribe, declined to comment.

Casino spending

Malik and Ilitch have worked on casino efforts in Port Huron and Manistee and in Hawaii and California, but none have reached the stage of the New York project.

Expenditures on the Long Island effort have been significant.

Through Gateway, Ilitch and Malik paid Arlington, Va.-based lobbying firm Wheat Government Relations more than $1 million since 2003 to push for federal recognition for the Shinnecock, records show.

The casino project still needs the approval of New York's governor and Legislature.

Gateway hired Washington D.C.-based Mercury Public Affairs to lobby state government on behalf of the casino. The firm reportedly has met with New York Gov. David Paterson and state legislative leaders to discuss the gambling plan.

A comprehensive anonymous website,
TheVerifiableTruth.com, for several years has tracked news and public records linked to Ilitch and Malik's casino ventures, and it shows that they have donated money to political candidates in positions to influence the tribal recognition or other casino-related issues.

The tribe's federal recognition suggests it was money well spent and eventually might result in new cash flow for the Ilitch empire.

In the meantime, the Ilitches will be conscious of the dangers of over-leveraging themselves, sports insiders say.

"All sports properties are acutely aware of not burdening themselves with debt," said Maury Brown, president of Portland, Ore.-based Business of Sports Network, which includes websites devoted to the business side of pro sports.