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Tuesday, December 16, 2014

FBI's Boston office warns of corruption in casino industry




FBI's Boston office warns of corruption in casino industry


  • The head of the FBI's Boston office said Monday he's concerned the expansion of casino gambling might lead to an increase in public corruption and financial and organized crime.



  • By PHILIP MARCELO/ASSOCIATED PRESS Posted Dec. 15, 2014 @ 5:47 pm
    Updated Dec 15, 2014 at 5:49 PM



    BOSTON — The head of the FBI's Boston office said Monday he's concerned the expansion of casino gambling might lead to an increase in public corruption and financial and organized crime.
    Special Agent Vincent Lisi, whose office covers Massachusetts, Maine, New Hampshire and Rhode Island, said the industry's growth provides "fertile ground" for bribery, fraud and abuse. "When you look at legalized gaming, you have a heavy amount of regulation, along with a lucrative business," he said. "Those two factors combined make for pretty fertile grounds for corruption of public officials."
    Lisi made the comments Monday as the Boston office announced it will launch a dedicated, toll-free tip line focused on public corruption: 1-844-NOBRIBE (662-7423). It will also launch a billboard advertising campaign called "Stop Corruption Now" and will promote the initiative through Facebook. Tips also can be submitted online at tips.fbi.gov.
    The American Gaming Association, a casino industry trade group, responded in a statement: "Study after study has shown that fears about increased crime after a new casino opens are unfounded, and gaming operators in Massachusetts and elsewhere are committed to upholding the integrity of our highly-regulated industry."
    In Massachusetts, the state licenses and regulates casino operators and assesses state taxes on their gambling profits while cities and towns are charged with issuing local building and zoning permits and assessing local property taxes.
    Lisi stressed that the tip line is not a direct response to the burgeoning regional casino industry.
    Instead, he said it's prompted by a steady rise in public corruption-related cases the office has dealt with in recent years. Among them: the 2013 sentencing of a Rhode Island man in a kickback scheme that defrauded the U.S. Navy of nearly $18 million and the 2011 conviction of former Massachusetts House Speaker Salvatore DiMasi on bribery charges.
    "If you look at some of the cases we've had in the past, you'd think they'd be deterrents and that there would be a decline in the numbers that we've had," Lisi said. "That's not been the case."
    But at least in Massachusetts, potential criminal activity has been a prominent part of the public debate over the casino industry.
    For example, three owners of the waterfront land that Wynn Resorts plans to build into a $1.6 billion resort casino in Everett face federal wire fraud charges. They allegedly tried to hide from state regulators and the casino company the fact that a convicted felon and known mob associate named Charles Lightbody would profit from the land deal, in violation of state statutes.
    And the state gambling commission is conducting an inquiry after The Wall Street Journal recently reported that the IRS has requested information on Wynn's clients, domestic and overseas marketing offices and internal controls. The newspaper said federal authorities are probing whether the Las Vegas-based gambling giant violated money laundering laws.
    Lisi said the federal case dealing with the Everett land sale is ongoing; he declined to comment on the apparent IRS investigation into money laundering.



    http://www.capecodtimes.com/article/20141215/NEWS/141219619/101015/NEWSLETTER100


    Thursday, July 10, 2014

    But, but, but.....where are the JOBS?


    Didn't Casino Vultures promise GAZILLION OF JOBS?





    Didn't politicians REPEATEDLY quote GAZILLIONS OF JOBS?

    Where'd those jobs go???  


    Committee forms to oppose ballot question that would repeal Massachusetts' 2011 casino law

    THE ASSOCIATED PRESS
    July 09, 2014 - 8:09 pm EDT


    BOSTON — A new political committee has formed to oppose a ballot question that would repeal Massachusetts' 2011 casino law.


    The Committee to Preserve Jobs Associated with Casino Gaming Law filed papers Wednesday with the state Office of Campaign and Political Finance. The committee's stated goal is to protect the estimated 10,000 jobs it said are associated with the construction and operation of casinos.


    Opponents of the law, which allows Massachusetts to license up to three casinos and a single slots parlor, collected enough signatures to put the repeal question on the November ballot.


    They have their own committee called Repeal the Casino Deal but could face a daunting fundraising challenge as they try to make their case to voters.


    Under Massachusetts law, individuals and corporations including casino companies are allowed to give unlimited donations to ballot question committees.


    Repeal the Casino Deal reported collecting more than $175,000 last year and ended 2013 with a balance of less than $8,000. Much of the money was spent on its signature-gathering efforts.

    In its initial filing, the Committee to Preserve Jobs Associated with Casino Gaming Law reported no contributions.


    The pro-casino ballot committee lists as its chairman and treasurer Boston attorney Thomas Kiley of the firm Cosgrove, Eisenberg & Kiley.


    One of Kiley's more high-profile clients was former Massachusetts House Speaker Salvatore DiMasi, convicted in 2011 of conspiracy, extortion and theft of honest services by fraud and a bribery charge. DiMasi was a strong opponent of casino gambling.
     
     
     

    Saturday, June 28, 2014

    Massachusetts Anti-Casino Group Seeks Broader Base



    Massachusetts Anti-Casino Group Seeks Broader Base


    Wednesday, December 4, 2013

    Beacon Hill's "Big Three" all say casinos? "Not in my backyard"



    Murray, Patrick, DeLeo are casino NIMBYs



    Beacon Hill's "Big Three" all say casinos? "Not in my backyard"

    Article | News | | By Andy Metzger, State House News Service



     
    The state's three top leaders all say NIMBY on casinos in their hometowns. SHNS photos.


    Beacon Hill's "Big Three" - the state's most powerful forces behind enactment of the 2011 expanded gaming law - are of like minds in disapproving of hypothetical casino proposals in their hometowns.
    "No," Senate President Therese Murray told the News Service Monday when asked if she would approve of a casino in Plymouth. "Plymouth doesn't' need a casino. It's a historic destination."

    On her way to an event after attending a Hanukkah menorah lighting, Murray declined to expand on her answer.

    A seaside town south of Boston, Plymouth was home to one of the country's oldest European settlements, founded by the pilgrims and led by William Bradford.

    Echoes comments by Governor and House Leader

    Gov. Deval Patrick had a similar answer when asked by a radio caller whether he would approve of a casino in Richmond, the far-western town where his Sweet P Farm is located.

    "I would vote against it personally," Patrick said in November.

    House Speaker Robert DeLeo said his hometown of Winthrop doesn't have the space for a casino.

    "I don't know about Winthrop. Winthrop doesn't have enough space, so let me just put that right out there. If Winthrop was in another location and we had enough space, I'd say so," DeLeo said.

    Winthrop has been designated a surrounding community by Suffolk Downs, the racetrack where DeLeo's father worked, which is hoping to build a casino in Revere, next door, after East Boston rejected the proposal. The Mass. Gaming Commission is weighing the split verdict and plans for a Revere-only casino.

    Not In Martha's Vineyard either

    On Monday, Patrick sued to block the Aquinnah Wampanoag's plans to build a casino on Martha's Vineyard outside of the regulatory process established by the state law.

    The gaming law provided authority to cities and towns to determine whether to allow a casino or not. Developers have to first secure an agreement that would then be ratified or rejected by voters.

    Patrick, Murray and DeLeo were prime pushers for the Casino Bill

    Patrick signed the gaming bill into law Nov. 22, 2011 after DeLeo and Murray pushed casino bills through their respective branches. DeLeo's predecessor, former House Speaker Salvatore DiMasi, strongly opposed casinos. The House reversed its position on casinos once DeLeo became the speaker.

    After voters in several communities rejected proposals for gambling facilities within their borders, the state has just a handful of proposals still in the mix for three available casino licenses.

    Gaming Commission Chairman Stephen Crosby said over the weekend that it could be three more years before the state's first casino opens its doors.

    "No" votes culled the field of contenders for casino licenses in the east and west to an MGM project in Springfield, a Wynn Resorts proposal in Everett and the Suffolk Downs bid. In the southeast, the Mashpee Wampanoag are seeking to build a tribal casino in Taunton while KG Enterprises has submitted an application to build a casino in New Bedford should the region be opened up to commercial bids.

    Licensing of a slots parlor is down to a Cordish Companies bid in Leominster, a Penn National proposal at the Plainridge Racecourse in Plainville, and a group seeking to redevelop the old Raynham Park dog track into a slots parlor.


    http://www.capecodtoday.com/article/2013/12/03/23020-murray-patrick-deleo-are-casino-nimbys

     

    Monday, November 25, 2013

    David and Goliath

    Grass Roots activists have proven they can provide the FACTS, educate their neighbors and defeat the Big Money of the Gambling Industry, the misguided leadership of unions and the abandonment of political leaders who failed to protect their constituents!

    Massachusetts residents should be proud of what these communities have accomplished and what will be accomplished when REPEAL THE CASINO DEAL passes.





     




     
    Gambling foes ride wave of momentum
     
    "Sal obviously has a role, but we've got a number of ideas that we put on the table to create jobs and to generate revenue. If those aren't the best ideas, then it's incumbent on the Legislature to tell us what better ideas there are. Just saying no is no good."
     
    Gov. Deval Patrick, 2007, talking about House Speaker Sal DiMasi's opposition to his casino bill.

    Impact statement available

    The Draft Environmental Impact Statement, a step in the process toward a $500 million Taunton casino for the Mashpee Wampanoag Tribe, is now available for view in libraries and online. The report, which is hundreds of pages, was released last week. The public comment period through Jan. 17 also includes two public hearings - one at 5:30 p.m. Dec. 2 at Mashpee High School and a second at 5:30 p.m. Dec. 3 at Taunton High School.
     
    The tribe is proposing to have 140 acres in Mashpee taken into federal trust for housing and government offices, which faces little-to-no scrutiny in the report. The 155 acres in an East Taunton industrial park proposed for a casino, hotels and a water park make up the bulk of the report.
     
    The report offers three possible scenarios in Taunton, based on sizes of the casino development. It also outlines proposed mitigation by the tribe, including road improvements, sewer and water mains.
     
    There are no rare or endangered species identified on the Taunton land, a factor that can sometimes be a stumbling block. Some parcels are identified as having possible historic significance. Those could require review by historic preservation officers, according to the report.
     
    At full build-out, the tribe casino is expected to generate 3,500 full- and part-time jobs, which would reduce the region's unemployment rate by 0.5 percent, according to the report. The casino complex is expected to lure 5.3 million visitors a year. The full report is available at tribal council headquarters, Mashpee Library and Taunton Library, as well as online at http://mwteis.com.
     
    GEORGE BRENNAN

    "This is not the centerpiece of our growth strategy or economic future by any means. This is an entertainment option. And there will be some jobs that come with it, I'm certain, with the facilities that communities decide they want."
     
    Gov. Deval Patrick, November 2013 on WGBH radio about the growing opposition to casinos in Massachusetts.

    The contrast in those two statements by Gov. Deval Patrick is striking to former Massachusetts Attorney General Scott Harshbarger, probably the highest-profile casino critic in the Bay State.
     
    Harshbarger remembers it was Patrick, carrying the political clout of tremendous popularity after his first election, who, in 2007, introduced the idea of building three casinos, projected to bring $2 billion in revenue and thousands of jobs.
     
    By 2011, when the Expanded Gaming Act finally passed, the projected revenue was down as low as $1.2 billion, but the enthusiasm in state government, including the Patrick administration, never wavered.
     
    Fast forward two years later and the state's once-robust competition for casino licenses is now better described as an endurance test, with a gantlet of referendum votes and scrutiny by the Massachusetts Gaming Commission.
     
    "I think we are 50-50 chance toward no one left standing, pressing the reset button and starting over," Clyde Barrow, a casino expert at the University of Massachusetts-Dartmouth's Center for Policy Analysis, said Friday.
     
    In Western Massachusetts, which once had the largest number of casino developers seeking a license, there is only one developer left — and MGM has yet to be found suitable by the gaming commission.
     
    In the Greater Boston region, known as Region A, all three of the proposed projects have faced hiccups.
     
    On Tuesday, voters overwhelmingly rejected Foxwoods' plans to build a casino in Milford. That deal is dead.
     
    A proposal by Suffolk Downs to build a casino is on life support. Voters in East Boston rejected the idea, which opponents say should have killed it, although Revere voters supported it. Developers are now trying to shift the project into Revere, though on Thursday, the gaming commission punted on making a decision over whether that can happen.
     
    Steve Wynn's proposals for Everett still must pass a commission background check — no slam dunk.
     
    Suffolk Downs dumped Caesars Entertainment when the background check revealed a relationship with a hotel company that has alleged ties with Russian mobsters. [in addition to massive debt, federal grand jury investigations into money laundering and Bank Secrecy Act violations]
     
    "It's going to depend on what happens with MGM and Wynn suitability hearings," Barrow said.
     
    [Wynn is being investigated for Foreign Corrupt Practices Act violations - bribing foreign officials. MGM has ties to Pansy Ho and Asian organized crime, was asked in New Jersey to sever ties and instead, left New Jersey.]
     
    "Given the standard that was set by the gaming commission with Caesars, there are major red flags with both of them."
     
    In Southeastern Massachusetts, known as Region C, only one commercial company, KG Urban Enterprises, has ponied up the $400,000 to become an applicant, though the gaming commission has said it will allow losers in other parts of the state to apply if they can find willing land owners.
     
    And now, the waters are muddied in Southeastern Massachusetts by the prospect of one, possibly two Indian casinos.
     
    The Mashpee Wampanoag Tribe has a compact with Patrick that is now awaiting approval by the federal Bureau of Indian Affairs. The tribe is also seeking federal approval to have its land taken into trust, a complicated and time-consuming process filled with potential legal pitfalls. Meanwhile, the Wampanoag Tribe of Gay Head (Aquinnah) threw the gambling industry a curveball, saying it might build a Martha's Vineyard casino on land the National Indian Gaming Commission says is eligible.
     
    "We have come a long way from 2007 when the Mashpee Wampanoag Tribe first came to (our) community and said, 'We are coming, and there is nothing you can do to stop us,'" said Allin Frawley, a selectman in Middleboro where the Mashpee tribe once had a deal to build a $1 billion casino. The tribe walked away amid a leadership scandal and a downturn in the economy.
     
    "I personally find the votes against these proposed casinos by host communities extremely validating," Frawley said. "I sincerely hope the residents of Massachusetts do get the opportunity to vote on expanded gaming next November, and judging by the recent community votes, I look forward to the results."
     
    Casino opponents filed 90,000 signatures for the ballot question this week. They are currently under review, John Ribeiro, chairman of the committee to Repeal the Casino Deal, said Friday. The committee needs 70,000 to be certified for the November ballot.
     
    "We've come a long way," Harshbarger said. "I'm pleased that these citizen efforts in these communities have been so successful. It's a little `not in my backyard,' but the more people know, the more facts gathered, the less they accept the promises being offered."
     
    It's a boost of momentum not felt by casino opponents in recent years.
     
    But "it's still David versus Goliath," Harshbarger said.
     
    In most cases, with the exception of Palmer which has a recount Tuesday, the referendums that that went against gaming weren't close, despite the opponents being significantly outspent. In Milford on Tuesday, a proposal backed by Foxwoods failed by a vote of 6,361-3,480, or 64 percent to 35 percent, according to the Associated Press.
     
    Barrow said statewide polls, including the most recent one released last week by Western New England College, show that a majority of Bay State residents want casinos. It's when they're close to home that the support wanes.
     
    The problem isn't legislators or Patrick overestimating the appetite for casinos but rather developers targeting the wrong cities and towns, Barrow said. He pointed to the gaffe made by Steve Wynn to initially seek a casino in Foxboro.
     
    "I wonder every day why isn't there more going on in New Bedford, Fall River or Salisbury," Barrow said. There is a common theme in the places like Springfield, Everett and Taunton where voter support has been high.
     
    "The theme is distressed urban areas," Barrow said.
     
    Southeastern Massachusetts has had strong casino support in past polls done by UMass-Dartmouth, he said.
     
    "It's important to not just look at overall statewide support, but look at those pockets where support is the strongest," he said. "It's always been unevenly distributed."
     
    Only the lone slot parlor license still has active competition. Plainridge Racecourse in Plainville and Raynham Park in Raynham both won approval from voters. Both already offer gambling on racing. They are competing against Cordish Gaming, which is seeking the license in Leominister. The commission expects to award that license next month.
     
    With a ballot question likely, casinos could become an issue in the upcoming governor's race, Peter Ubertaccio, a political professor at Stonehill College, said. He has hosted all of the announced candidates at the school's Martin Institute for Law and Society and none has brought up casinos without prompting, he said.
     
    "We're in a different place and I don't think candidates will be enthusiastic supporters of casinos," he said.
     
    To Harshbarger and other opponents of expanded gambling in Massachusetts, the rejection of the larger-scale casinos by communities represents hope.
     
    "My common cause belief is that people trump money," Harshbarger said. "When they see it and learn about experiences in other states and impacts that can happen, that really starts to cut into casino support."
     
    Barrow said there's no question opponents have some momentum coming off recent wins. "Whether that translates into a victory statewide, I don't think so," he said.
     
    Harshbarger and Ribeiro are ready to take their chances. "We've shown that when people have the facts, they reject casinos outright," Ribeiro said. "When we have the discussion statewide, we'll find the same thing statewide."
     
     
     
     

    Thursday, August 29, 2013

    Casino Menino

    Bravo! From BMG.....

    Casino Menino



    Flashback to Speaker DiMasi – Marriage equality, progressive leaning budgets – not necessarily in structure (taxation, etc) but in funding priorities and a big fat NO to “Casino Culture” for the Commonwealth. His reticence to acquiesce to the sharks circling the Commonwealth as the last virgin slot market got him a whacked and Bobby “Slots” DeLeo steps in. Governor Patrick was given the tip that to be elected Governor he needed to bring this to the fore after he got elected. His inaugural hosts were in the back-rooms dreaming of counting the “take” even while the parties shimmered! Remember the inaugural balls? Seems like a different lifetime. I digress.

    Media and journalism are half-the-man they used to be…..literally and figuratively. One Boston Globe journalist told me in 2009 that they used to have about five reporters covering the casino/predatory gambling story but now (then….and it hasn’t gotten any better in the Biz) they had 1-2 reporters on it. MSM laid-down on the slots/casinos matter as they drank the “inevitability kool-aid.”

    Casino Menino – arguably Boston’s most powerful mayor in recent times has served the city he loves like a work horse at Suffolk Downs. Always there, always plugging. As the sun is setting on his storied time as the CEO of the fairest and most distinguished of United States cities (must see Jimmy Tingle – we got it all here!), we see the mayor’s legacy eroding into that of being the guy who bull-dogged casinos into the heart of America’s history.

    We ALL know that there would be no slots coming to the Commonwealth if Casino Menino, Bobby “slots” DeLeo, Therese and Deval hadn’t silenced almost all the opposition with the sheer power of their offices. Lots and lots of people are hired and paid by the Commonwealth. Lots and lots of businesses provide services for the Commonwealth. Lots and lots of citizens and officials want to please elected leaders….who have concentrated and significant powers. Too concentrated and too powerful for this kid who still believes democracy – even representative democracy – is a sacred form of government formed and sustained by self-rule.

    The legislature under the direction of the bosses fell lock-step into line with casinos to the extent that they even crafted a devious way to manipulate referendum by allowing ward based voting for the largest cities in the Commonwealth (wink Boston.) Worcester wasn’t really on the map…..this whole exercise in shifting wealth has been for the boys at Suffolk Downs. With a handshake to the Springfield sharks and a token nod to Cedric (Cromwell) for a Native American tribe. And just to keep folks quiet, slots for tracks and a sliver of funding for a dozen other groups that needed hush money.

    Notice, I said they silenced almost all the opposition? Not all.

    The wonderful and amazing thing about this experiment we refer to as democracy is that there have always been and always will be people who stand up and speak their truth.

    God bless MLK, Jr.

    One man is standing up in Boston speaking “truth to power” and he has many supporters. That is Bill Walczak who gleaned some really positive words from Adrian Walker in today’s Globe which followed his scathing if not overdue criticism of the Casino Menino process. It’s true!

    Walczak has drafted a Change.org petition to hold Boston leaders accountable for a community wide/city wide referendum on casinos.

    A casino executive from Spectrum Gaming stated in testimony, “casinos change everything.” All voters should have a right to their ballot for issues that impact them.

    Go to the petition and check it out here. And seriously, check out Walczak’s positions – this guy is bright.

    Then, sign up to help get signatures to place the slots/casino matter to a vote on the 2014 ballot at Repeal The Casino Deal.

    http://www.bluemassgroup.com/2013/08/casino-menino/

    Wednesday, March 27, 2013

    East Boston’s elected officials on a casino at Suffolk Downs: A primer




    Which politicians do YOU agree with? Those for or against a casino?? Wait a minute... it's the same guys!!!

    East Boston’s elected officials on a casino at Suffolk Downs: A primer



    If a casino comes to Boston, it will arrive with the full-throated support of Boston's mayor and East Boston's city counselor, representative, and senator. Our local leaders – including those who grew up here and know Eastie the best – risked everything they'd helped East Boston become and threw their support behind the statewide casino bill and the idea of expanded gambling at Suffolk Downs.

    They didn't always support a casino here, though:

    Anthony Petruccelli, State Senate

    Sen. Anthony Petruccelli was an outspoken casino skeptic when the move to bring gambling to Suffolk Downs began to gain steam. “These neighborhoods are impacted by the international airport, three tunnels and a major highway,” he told the Boston Herald in July 2007. “How much more can we take?”

    Well, just three years later, Petruccelli apparently thought these neighborhoods could take quite a bit more. In July 2010, he supported the initial House bill authorizing the construction of casinos throughout the state and would vote “yea” on every piece of gambling legislation from then on. He was one of a handful of Senators shepherding the legislation through the process.
    “It took me a couple of years to get to the point where I support and prefer a resort casino at Suffolk Downs,” he told the Revere Journal in 2010. “As we look at it, the benefits outweigh the impacts.”

    OK, so what changed?

    Petruccelli explains his about-face on a casino at Suffolk Downs this way: the Senator ran into a guy from the neighborhood, someone Petruccelli grew up with, who had lost his job. It was this single interaction and his old friend's pleading with the Senator for work, Petruccelli said, that allowed him to ignore his strong initial concerns about casino impacts and help to pass the expanded gaming legislation – a bill he calls “a jobs bill.”

    But “jobs” isn't a strong enough explanation for getting from “how much more can we take?” to full support of a casino in our neighborhood. One doesn't get from there to here without an outside influence or two. One of those influences might be Suffolk Downs owner Richard Fields. The Boston Globe reported in 2011 that Fields made a $6,000 donation to the senator's family foundation, after which Petruccelli “made sure bills before the Legislature have included a provision that would make local approval [for a casino] easier.”

    According to the Globe, this donation far exceeded what Fields would have been allowed to give to Petruccelli's campaign under the state's campaign finance law. (for more on suspicious Richard Fields donations to elected officials, skip down to the section on Mayor Menino...except don't. The stuff to follow is really interesting.)

    Carlo Basile, House of Representatives

    Rep. Carlo Basile spoke even more forcefully against putting a casino at Suffolk Downs. During his campaign for a seat in the Massachusetts House of Representatives, he was widely seen as the underdog, anti-casino candidate. Here's the tune he was singing during the campaign in 2007:
    “We have a fight on our hands with officials who want to put another enormous burden on us with a quote-unquote world-class casino in our town. I will stand up to those who want to congest our streets more and thrust more upon us so that the state and city can reap more money and more taxes at our expense. Enough is enough – we have paid our fair share to the Commonwealth with three tunnels, an airport and a horse track within our borders. How much more can we take????

    No one asked us if we wanted this – no one consulted the people of this neighborhood – look what happened in South Boston when they tried to jam the football stadium down their throats. We need to stand up and be heard. We need to fight to ensure that our opinions matter, and we have say in what happens in East Boston.

    This is our town and we as a community will decide what is best for us!”
    Hold onto your hats, because here's Basile, now the vice-chairman of the Committee on Financial Services, singing quite a different tune after the passage of the expanded gaming bill on Nov. 22, 2011: “This bill has been a long time in the making. I am very proud and excited about its passage as I believe it will spur much needed job growth and economic activity throughout the state.”

    Explaining his position switcharoo, Basile also cites the jobs a casino would create. But like his counterpart in the Senate, Basile's stance on the casino appeared to shift out of political convenience.

    Back when Basile first spoke out against a casino, his stance would have sat very well with Speaker of the House Salvatore DiMasi, his “boss,” who was staunchly anti-casino. When DiMasi left office amid corruption charges, Robert DeLeo, an ardent casino supporter, took his place. Almost immediately, our then-junior representative's tune began to change on the subject of casinos.

    But politics aside, what if his real motives are even more self-serving than that? Local political insiders know that Basile has for several years made jokes about one day leaving politics — to take a job at the casino. Not only could Basile earn more – probably significantly more – than his current annual salary of roughly $60,000, he'd receive the king's treatment for having helped pave the way for a casino at Suffolk Downs. That would be fantastic for Basile, of course, but terrible for the rest of us.

    This is probably a good time to review one of the more disturbing aspects of the state's gambling legislation: the need for an amendment requiring some lawmakers to wait a period of time before taking a job with a casino. In the Senate, the amendment authorizing a “cooling off period” came only after one senator proposed an amendment requiring senators to wait five years after leaving office to work for a casino – and chaos nearly ensued. Here's the account from MassLive.com:
    Soon after it began on Tuesday, the debate halted when one state senator argued for an amendment for a five-year "cooling off period" for former legislators before they work for a casino or applicant for a gambling license. Opponents became testy and Senate President Therese Murray gaveled the debate to a close. She ordered Democrats behind closed doors for a caucus that lasted an hour. When they emerged, senators quickly voted 36-1 for the one-year period for former lawmakers.
    Hmm. Why would legislators get so heated about a proposal ensuring they would not personally benefit from an industry they helped usher in? Could it be that a handful of them actually planned to leave the public sector and snatch a comfortable position at one of the casinos? Alas, state lawmakers from both the House and the Senate must wait exactly one year after leaving office to go to work for a casino. After 12 months, though, it's anybody's game.

    Salvatore LaMattina, City Council

    In front of some community groups, City Councilor Sal LaMattina is cautious and understated about his feelings on a casino. He frequently tells them that he supports a casino at Suffolk Downs if it benefits the people of East Boston. At a recent Eagle Hill Civic Association meeting, he was pressed hard by members of No Eastie Casino about feeling unrepresented in local government because of their concerns about the proposed casino. In response, LaMattina put on his diplomatic, “wait-and-see” hat. According to Boston.com:
    LaMattina said he, too, had questions about casino impacts, and he would work to ensure transparency. But many in East Boston are in desperate need of jobs the casino could bring, he said, and he will wait to make up his mind until he has more information.
    The data isn't available yet, he said, but it will be put before the community in time for residents to make an informed choice in the voting booth.
    “If this isn't right for East Boston, I'm saying no, too,” he said.
    But LaMattina's true feelings – not just that he wants a casino in Boston, but specifically one in East Boston – have been on record for a while now. Last November, when asked by a Boston Herald reporter about Steve Wynn's just-released plans for a casino in Everett, LaMattina was bullish in his support for an Eastie casino.

    “Do I welcome competition? Yeah, I welcome competition, but I want a casino in Boston, as does [Boston Mayor Thomas M. Menino],” he said. “I still think Suffolk Downs is a perfect location, and I would have a lot of concern that a casino is going to Everett.”

    And just two weeks ago, at his own fundraiser in East Boston, to 75 mostly pro-casino supporters – including Mayor Menino – he spoke glowingly about the benefits of a casino at Suffolk Downs.

    “He emphasized that if the agreement is good he would support it,” said one who was in attendance.

    “People came away with the impression that he was favorable to the casino, unlike the Eagle Hill meeting.”

    There you have it. Three out of three East Boston politicians either switching positions on the most important neighborhood development since airport expansion or (worse, perhaps) saying one thing to residents and another to the political establishment.
    Then there's the mayor.

    Thomas M. Menino, Mayor of Boston

    Love him or hate him, Mayor Thomas M. Menino has been the most transformative, powerful and productive executive leader the City of Boston has ever seen.

    And despite hailing from Hyde Park, Menino's Italian-American heritage has made him somewhat of a native son of East Boston, long dominated by multiple generations of residents and politicians with Italian blood. He frequents our restaurants. He's made completing East Boston's waterfront – including re-introducing water transport – a priority, and construction has, in fact, started up again after a long hiatus. Beyond that, though, the Mayor consistently wins elections in East Boston because his image has become that of a leader who works tirelessly for the neighborhood's working class people.

    Menino is well aware of the well-documented negative effects of urban casinos, and still he backs one – despite the risk that it would turn back years of work reducing crime, building our economy, and expanding opportunities for all residents. So his support for a “resort-style casino” at Suffolk Downs would be a big head-scratcher, right? Well, maybe not that big.

    Initially, the Mayor was quite skeptical of casinos and slot machines because of the negative impacts they typically bring. Then, in 2005, Suffolk Downs executives and owners flooded the Mayor's campaign coffers with $2,200 in donations. A few weeks later, Menino made a surprising endorsement of installing slot machines at the state's racetracks, including Suffolk Downs, to save the dying industry.

    And remember Suffolk Downs owner Richard Fields?
    The Fields Foundation, controlled by Suffolk owner Richard Fields, donated $10,000 to Menino's charity in 2008 and 2009, according the foundation's nonprofit tax return. Menino has confirmed in the past that a meeting with Fields one year earlier - just after Fields bought the racetrack - was a turning point in his transformation from tepid casino supporter to full-throated ambassador. (Source: The Boston Globe)
    See how this works? Combine all those contributions and closed-door meetings with Menino's longtime friendship with Suffolk Downs principal owner Joseph O'Donnell, and one's confusion about the mayor's positions on casinos subsides considerably.

    Shenanigans aside, here's the frustrating truth: Mayor Menino could shut casinos out of Boston tomorrow morning, if he wanted to. He has taken stands in the past against Walmart (for its benefits policy, as well as its impact on local businesses) and Chick-fil-A (for its CEO's opinion about gay marriage). He could do the same with the casino. Under the state casino law, mayors have enormous power to block proposals from moving forward, simply by refusing to negotiate with developers. Last year, we saw this in Holyoke, where Mayor Alex Morse reversed his position on building a casino in his city and abruptly ended negotiations with two casino companies.

    Mayor Menino, on the other hand, is negotiating. Last year, in accordance with the 2011 gaming law, the Mayor appointed a Host Community Advisory Committee to represent the residents of Boston in negotiations with Caesars, but it too appears interested only in seeing that a casino is built. The five-person committee – which features just one resident of East Boston – lists on its website the driving philosophy behind its existence: “…that a resort casino entertainment destination, when properly regulated, can be an important economic driver in the region.”

    But in dealing with the HCAC, community members report frustration that the committee has responded to few of their questions and requests for data. The suppression of information has become somewhat of a theme with all of our local leaders. On a number of occasions – both publicly and in writing -- residents and community groups have requested that an independent cost-benefit analysis be conducted to see what the impacts will be. Astoundingly, in a neighborhood where simple road improvements or construction variances require multiple studies of their impacts, requests for an in-depth report on a casino's impact have fallen on deaf ears.

    Most disturbing is that those with knowledge of the process say Boston is close to finalizing its mitigation agreement with Suffolk Downs – if it hasn't already. Our politicians already know the framework of that agreement, while residents have yet to see any of the reports they've requested outlining the impacts a casino would have on our working-class, residential neighborhood. The next batch of information East Boston residents see will be an agreement between the city and Suffolk Downs showcasing the millions in mitigation dollars meant to offset the inevitable increase in crime, addiction, and traffic congestion.

    We'll then be expected to vote yes or no on the construction of a casino with all of the good — and none of the bad — to inform our decision.

    How Will This End?

    This paints an admittedly bleak picture of our elected officials' blind support of a casino in Boston, but it can, of course, end differently than it started. Our mayor and local officials could choose to remove the shiny dollar signs from their eyes and demand that the voters know precisely how a casino will affect their neighborhood, rather than actively campaigning for a casino and blocking the free flow of information.

    But at this point in the process, these men are unlikely to change.

    As was true during the airport expansion of the 1960s, when mothers with baby carriages protested the destruction of our Olmstead-designed Wood Island Park, the residents of East Boston are on their own in standing up to a multinational casino company. Like those Maverick Mothers, “we're the last line of defense,” as lifelong resident Celeste Myers correctly put it at a recent neighborhood meeting. That's because all our elected officials chose long ago with whom they would stand in this fight.

    Steve Holt is a writer in East Boston and volunteer with No Eastie Casino


    http://www.universalhub.com/2013/east-boston%E2%80%99s-elected-officials-casino-suffolk-dow

    Sunday, July 15, 2012

    Lawmakers targeted in inquiry


    Time for Beacon Hill to make changes!




    Lawmakers targeted in inquiry

    US attorney looking at Democrats who may have gained from Probation Dept. hiring

    Robert DeLeo says that he did not use his ties to former Probation Commissioner John J. O’Brien to win votes from fellow Democrats to become the speaker of the Massachusetts House.(Wendy Maeda/Globe Staff)Robert DeLeo says that he did not use his ties to former Probation Commissioner John J. O’Brien to win votes from fellow Democrats to become the speaker of the Massachusetts House.
    Globe Staff / July 15, 2012
     
    Federal prosecutors investigating the scandal-plagued Probation Department are focusing on Democratic legislators who may have benefited from the agency’s allegedly rigged hiring system, including House Speaker Robert A. DeLeo, one of the most influential politicians in helping people get jobs under former commissioner John J. O’Brien.
     
    Prosecutors have subpoenaed several lawmakers to testify before a secret grand jury considering criminal charges in recent weeks, including Representative John Rogers, the Norwood lawmaker DeLeo defeated to become House speaker in 2009. Rogers’s supporters have long suspected that O’Brien helped DeLeo win by giving jobs to people close to legislators backing DeLeo, a charge both men deny.

    People with direct knowledge of the grand jury proceedings in Worcester say that prosecutors have also called at least two legislators who voted for DeLeo for speaker after people close to them received probation jobs.
    “Yes, I was called to testify and I cooperated fully,” said Representative James J. O’Day of West Boylston, one of the two. He has said that he planned to vote for DeLeo even before probation hired one of his colleagues in 2008.
    US Attorney Carmen M. Ortiz has been investigating the Legislature’s role in politicizing the hiring process at the Probation Department for months, even calling former House speaker Salvatore F. DiMasi from his prison cell in Kentucky to testify before the grand jury last winter. But in March, when Ortiz announced the first criminal indictments from the 20-month-long inquiry, only O’Brien and two former top lieutenants were named.

    “This is just one step in the ongoing investigation,” Ortiz said at the time.
    Since then, prosecutors have been ramping up efforts to identify actions taken by lawmakers that could be criminal, such as accepting probation jobs for family and friends or even campaign donations from probation employees in exchange for voting to increase the agency’s funding or to vote for a certain candidate for speaker. It is a violation for lawmakers to accept something of value in exchange for any official act.
    DeLeo, who has described O’Brien as a friend, was one of the most successful legislators at helping people obtain jobs at probation, including his godson, Brian Mirasolo, who, at age 28, became the youngest chief probation officer in Massachusetts history.
    But DeLeo strongly denies that he used his connections with O’Brien to win votes from fellow Democratic legislators for the speakership, which brought him a pay increase of more than $30,000 along with a larger staff and far greater influence over state policy.

    “There is no way any individual can honestly testify that jobs were traded for votes for speaker, because it did not happen,” said DeLeo spokesman Seth Gitell.
    Paul F. Ware, the independent counsel who issued a damning report on the hiring practices at the Probation Department in 2010, said he surmises that federal prosecutors are now trying to negotiate a deal with O’Brien to get his cooperation in the investigation of politicians’ culpability.
    “In terms of a criminal investigation, I think it’s predictable that the US attorney focus on political figures who may have had a lot more to gain” from Probation Department patronage than O’Brien, said Ware, a former federal prosecutor who is now a partner at Goodwin Procter in Boston.
    O’Brien may be more motivated to cooperate since he was indicted on federal racketeering, conspiracy, and mail fraud charges that could result in up to 20 years in prison and $250,000 fines for each count if he is convicted. He also faces state bribery charges for allegedly funneling campaign donations by his employees to then-state Treasurer Timothy P. Cahill in exchange for a job for his wife at the state lottery, which Cahill oversaw. Cahill was not charged in the case, though a senior staff member was.

    O’Brien “has to be very concerned for his family, and he doesn’t want to spend the next 10 years in jail,” said Ware, adding that he has no direct knowledge of plea deal negotiations.

    O’Brien’s new legal team, appointed to defend him in June after O’Brien said he could no longer afford his own lawyers, declined to comment on any aspect of the case.
    A spokesman for Ortiz also declined comment, but one person who follows the investigation closely said that four assistant US attorneys joined in the questioning during recent grand jury sessions, which is more than usual, and their focus was clear: elected officials.
    People who follow the investigation closely say that prosecutors’ interest in politicians extends back to former House speaker Thomas M. Finneran, a key architect of the probation hiring system.
    Finneran pushed through a 2001 state budget amendment that gave O’Brien — a Finneran protege and sometime jogging partner — nearly complete control over hiring and firing in the 1,800-person agency. After that, probation’s budget, which is set by the Legislature, soared and by 2010, probation employed at least 250 people who were friends, supporters, or relatives of politicians and court officials, the Globe Spotlight Team found in 2010.
    Legislative leaders had by far the most success in helping people get probation jobs, Ware found. Finneran’s successor, ­DiMasi, now serving an eight-year prison sentence on an unrelated corruption conviction, was so important to O’Brien that he had a folder to track ­DiMasi’s recommended candidates for jobs.

    Over time, the politically motivated hiring process led to an explosion of less-qualified candidates winning jobs at probation, which is supposed to protect the public from criminals serving their sentences in the community. The indictment of O’Brien cited 26 instances where probation officials hired or promoted candidates supported by lawmakers and judges, even though they were not the most qualified. DeLeo sponsored one of those candidates — his godson — while Senate President Therese Murray of Plymouth backed three.




    Murray declined comment on the investigation, but said she “was not aware of any senators being called” before the grand jury.

    Prosecutors are particularly interested in the heated 2008 race in the House to succeed DiMasi, who became the third consecutive Massachusetts House speaker to be convicted of a crime. Initially, backers of Rogers thought they could get support from enough Democrats to win, but DeLeo ultimately got the speakership on Jan. 27, 2009, without a vote because Rogers withdrew in the face of eroding support.
    In the spring of 2008, amid speculation that DiMasi might step down, the Legislature unexpectedly gave the Probation Department $6 million more than judicial officials requested. First, the House Ways and Means Committee, then chaired by DeLeo, recommended an additional $2.3 million more than Chief Justice for Administration and Management Robert Mulligan requested. Then, probation’s friends in the House increased funding by another $3.7 million.



    The windfall gave O’Brien more money for a flurry of hiring. By May 2008, O’Brien had hired people associated with legislators including O’Day, Harold P. Naughton Jr. of Clinton, and Geraldo Alicea of Charlton.

    O’Day confirmed that he was called to the grand jury, though he wouldn’t say what he testified about. People familiar with the grand jury proceedings say Naughton also testified, but he did not return a call asking for comment. Alicea said he was not subpoenaed, though he was asked for documents shortly after the Globe Spotlight Team’s series.

    All three deny any wrongdoing, saying they always planned to vote for DeLeo for speaker and that the probation jobs for people associated with them did not affect them.
    Former representative Charles Murphy of Burlington, who became the Ways and Means chairman after DeLeo, confirmed that he, too, testified in June, but wouldn’t discuss his testimony. Likewise, Thomas Frongillo, a private lawyer hired to represent the House and Senate in the probation case, confirmed that he has interacted with the grand jury recently, but declined to be specific.

    Though some observers expected the investigation to wrap up months ago, there are indications that prosecutors may be broadening their inquiry. According to one court official who follows the investigation, prosecutors recently asked about legislation that a group of ticket brokers pushed in 2006 and 2007 with the help of Richard Vitale, DiMasi’s former accountant, who was acquitted in the federal corruption case that sent DiMasi to prison.

    At the time, DeLeo was chairman of the Ways and Means Committee, which pushed the bill that lifted the state cap on ticket prices for concerts and other events. The House passed the bill, but it stalled in the Senate.
    Gitell, DeLeo’s spokesman, said he was unaware that prosecutors were interested in the ticket legislation.

    “We have no information that there is an ongoing investigation of the ticket broker legislation and have not been contacted in that regard,” he said.

    Several people who have been following the probation investigation say they don’t expect more indictments, if any, until after the November elections. Ware, the special prosecutor, said he believes Ortiz’s office will seek indictments of some politicians.

    “I think it is inevitable that at least some of the public officials who were direct beneficiaries of the hiring and promotion system within probation will be charged,” he said.

    Wednesday, June 20, 2012

    Bond: Full of Sound and Fury, but meaningless


    Phew! Never allow facts or reality to dampen flawed ideas!


    Mr. Bond, with a wholly undeserved ego, tends to  make outrageous public comments to attract attention with little consideration of process seeks the spotlight...yet again .....

     


    Check these out for some informed history:
    Adam Bond is a Candidate for State Representative with Experience
    The Book of Adam

    One of my personal favorites was Mr. Bond calling Casino Opponents BRAYING DONKEYS!

    And then denying that he said it!

    And then there are the attacks by Mr. Bond, ridiculing opponents who now demands public hearings???





    Like a petulant child, Mr. Bond continues his temper tantrum just changing his targets!





    CAMPAIGN 2012 LETTER: State must not put cart before the horse on tribal casino compact


    According to a recent report, Massachusetts Gaming Commission Chairman Stephen Crosby said that when it comes to the Mashpee Wampanoag Tribe’s application for the federal government to take land into trust, “We’ll give the tribe whatever the appropriate amount of time is to get that decision made. We would ... let the tribe have their fair shot.”

    It appears that the Massachusetts Gaming Commission is making a presumption that is directly contradicted by the U.S. Supreme Court, and has actually decided that it will ignore our highest court’s ruling that the BIA cannot grant the Mashpee Wampanoags any land into trust.

    By making this currently unsupportable presumption under the law as it stands today, it appears to be favoring a tribal casino over any commercial casino interests waiting in the wings to take over the Mashpee position in Southeastern Massachusetts. This presumption also seems counterintuitive, since the general consensus seems to be that a commercial casino in the region would be more profitable to the state, and would be subject to greater regulation.

    It seems that the Gaming Commission would be better off to have a public hearing with the Mashpee Tribe and its attorneys, to have the tribe show the Commission that their land-into-trust application is actually viable. What theory are they using? What method will they pursue? How long will it take?

    At that hearing, those who believe that there is no viable way for the land to go into trust, could actually lay out their position, and the commission could then come to its own determination of viability and avoid presumptions.

    To simply presume that the tribe can overcome the immovable objects in their path, and to let them have their “fair shot” at getting land into trust is a little ridiculous — particularly when they have not been made to show the commission that they have any shot at all. The commission’s procedure also appears to deny the commercial casino ladies-in-waiting an equal competitive shot at a casino in this region, if this region has to wait for the tribe to have its “fair shot.”

    I would hope that our legislators would see the foolishness of the commission’s presumption and demand some initial and public proffer by the tribe of its ability to take the land into trust BEFORE they approve any compact with the state. After all, the tribe should know its plan.

    Adam Bond
    Candidate for 12th Bristol District, House of Representatives
    Middleboro



    Read more: http://www.tauntongazette.com/newsnow/x1805319494/CAMPAIGN-2012-LETTER-State-must-not-put-cart-before-the-horse-on-tribal-casino-compact#ixzz1yKm7WPcW



    BTW, How'd that go for you, Adam?



    Middleborough meltdown

    January 29, 2009 at 10:29 am
    This is all too weird. But if you oppose casino gambling, you can’t help but love it.
    Adam Bond, chairman of the Middleborough Board of Selectmen and the guy who did more than anyone to try to bring the world’s largest casino to his adopted hometown, has quit the board. It seems that Bond wanted his fellow selectmen to try to grab more money from the Mashpee Wampanoag tribe, which would own the casino, and which is now beset by legal problems, starting with the crimes of its former leader, Glenn Marshall.
    (As an aside, it’s a shame that Sal DiMasi’s replacement as Massachusetts House speaker, Robert DeLeo, is a fan of casinos. Casino gambling is bad news, and we shouldn’t want it anywhere. More than anything, though, we need to keep it out of Middleborough.)
    Cape Cod Times reporters George Brennan and Stephanie Vosk have a thorough account of the Bond shenanigans, and Alice Elwell of the Brockton Enterprise offers a good overview as well. In the Boston Globe, Christine Legere reports that Bond plans to keep his weekly radio show, which is broadcast here on Thursdays at 11 a.m. I shouldn’t, but it’s hard not to look when you happen upon a car crash.
    As Elwell reported in a previous story, Bond had already alienated the board with his blog, which, I have to confess, is too tedious for me to wade through — though I do enjoy his claim that one of the selectmen, Mimi Duphily, “wanted to ‘rip my face off.’”
    So I’ll give the great Gladys Kravitz the last word:
    [A]s the person who has been putting Bond under a microscope since 2007 — believe it, this is a good day. This is a great day. It’s a pick up your American flag, go outside and stand on your porch or the hood of your car and let out a big WhooHoo type of day.
    The king of all drama queens had a meltdown and provided you with an extra seat on the Middleboro Board of Selectmen. Now pick up a broom and sweep away the damage. Then pull back the curtain on the light of a better day.
    One down, four to go.

    Monday, May 28, 2012

    Just like Massachusetts....


    95% of Massachusetts residents believe their government is corrupt and the politicians confirm it!

    You've got Governor Slot Barns vetoing a bill to add sorely needed background checks after the Stan McGee caper, inviting criminals and organized crime.




    You've got Governor Slot Barns defending Secretary Bialecki, the Governor's Casino Cheerleader for owning and profiting from Gambling stocks.

    As candidate coming from the amoral Predatory Lending, is it any wonder he sees nothing wrong with Predatory Gambling?  

    Mayor Menino and Senator "Bad Memory" Petrucelli have charities that skirt campaign limits receiving contributions for an owner of Suffolk Downs, a racetrack seeking a Slot Barn license. With no public disclosure, there's no way of knowing what other contributions were asked for and accepted. Is this a Pay for Play Scheme?  

    All of that on the heels of major scandals - Probation Department, Chelsea Housing Authority (for which the Lt. Governor is up to his ears), House Speaker DiMasi's conviction for opposing Gambling legislation, among others.


    Watching Massachusetts backroom deals, just like Maryland, there's always a connection to Gambling.





    There is a moral and ethical leadership vacuum in Maryland [as in Massachusetts], starting at the highest levels. In 2002, state Senate President Thomas V. Mike Millerbegan the modern era of slots gambling by taking from the president of the Maryland Jockey Club a $225,000 "contribution" for a special election fund used to support selected candidates. Although investigated by the FBI and the state, Mr. Miller was technically correct in how he structured his fund to skirt state contribution limits — yet he had chalk all over his shoes. On the Senate president's watch, gambling interests have become the largest lobby in Annapolis, crowding out the voices of more-productive industries.

    ... Maryland businessman and developer William Rickman coordinated contributions from his numerous business holdings to help the governor retire campaign debt. Less than three years later, after the governor had robocalled Marylanders urging them to vote for the slots referendum, Mr. Rickman received the first slots license granted in Maryland.


    Maryland politicians' crime spree

    From political crime to legalized corruption, the state of ethics in the Free State is a sorry one

    May 24, 2012|By Douglas M. Schmidt
     
    For the past three years, Maryland has experienced an unprecedented crime wave of political corruption. The only comparable period in memory would be the 1970s, when a governor was jailed and a sitting U.S. vice president (who had served as governor and Baltimore County executive) resigned in shame. The current offenders have been high-ranking elected officials, and the offenses have been far more serious than simple lapses in judgment. They have involved a level of hubris and ethical depravity that are shocking by any standard.

    The sequence of scandals is subtly and slowly undermining trust in government as well as putting a sordid label on modern Maryland politics. The scandals also raise the question about how much corruption is below the surface and how deeply established it is in Maryland government. If the people at the top are cheating, what passes for acceptable practices among the rank and file? The scandals come at a particularly inopportune time for Maryland politicians, forming a backdrop of hostile public reaction to Annapolis tax increases and the push by leaders for more state-sponsored gambling.

    The first to fall was former Baltimore Mayor Sheila Dixon, caught cavorting with a developer and then palming gift cards meant for needy children. During this period, Ulysses Currie, an influential state senator who chaired one of the most powerful committees in the Maryland legislature escaped a federal conviction for corruption but was stripped of his legislative power for peddling his influence. Then we have not one but two county executives jailed or under indictment. One, John Leopold of Anne Arundel County, who arranged his trysts in a mall parking lot, is being hauled up not for moral turpitude but for misuse of his police protection unit. The other, Jack Johnson ofPrince George's County, who is currently serving time, apparently had a second, undisclosed and high-paying job working for developers. His county councilwoman wife flushed a six-figure bribery check down the toilet and shoved ill-gotten cash into her underwear as federal agents came to the door. (Daryl D. Jones, the lowly county councilman from Anne Arundel who simply ignored paying taxes for four years and is now in jail, looks like a piker by comparison.)

    One of Baltimore's most principled business leaders in recent times had a saying that he used to keep his troops in line: "Don't let me see you with chalk on your shoes." This CEO ran a stock brokerage, and as we know, the finance industry is prone to abuse and cheating. He had to be zealous in protecting his firm's good name. "Chalk on the shoes" meant "do not even get close to the out-of-bounds line." Stay well within the playing field, where it is clear to everyone that you can be trusted and where you can never be accused of violating the rules.

    The question about Maryland politics is not how many politicians are technically guilty of headline-grabbing crimes but how many Maryland politicians have chalk on their shoes. Where does the corruption, nepotism and cheating at the edges begin and end?

    There is a moral and ethical leadership vacuum in Maryland, starting at the highest levels. In 2002, state Senate President Thomas V. Mike Millerbegan the modern era of slots gambling by taking from the president of the Maryland Jockey Club a $225,000 "contribution" for a special election fund used to support selected candidates. Although investigated by the FBI and the state, Mr. Miller was technically correct in how he structured his fund to skirt state contribution limits — yet he had chalk all over his shoes. On the Senate president's watch, gambling interests have become the largest lobby in Annapolis, crowding out the voices of more-productive industries.

    In 2006, Gov. Martin O'Malleyspent heavily and went into debt to defeat a Republican incumbent. In the months following the new governor's win, Maryland businessman and developer William Rickman coordinated contributions from his numerous business holdings to help the governor retire campaign debt. Less than three years later, after the governor had robocalled Marylanders urging them to vote for the slots referendum, Mr. Rickman received the first slots license granted in Maryland.

    Some people are just born lucky. In the election cycle of 2010, Mr. Rickman's network, utilizing more than 15 separate names, again combined to become the governor's largest single contributor. After Mr. O'Malley became head of the Democratic Governors Association, Mr. Rickman gave the group $25,000. Though technically legal, the taking of these hundreds of thousands of dollars and then promoting legislation to benefit the contributor is an obvious conflict of interest. The governor has chalk on his shoes.


    http://articles.baltimoresun.com/2012-05-24/news/bs-ed-maryland-corruption-20120524_1_crime-spree-maryland-politicians-baltimore-mayor-sheila-dixon

    Sunday, May 27, 2012

    Gambling debated behind closed doors

    It's helpful to re-visit history to figure out how we reached this disasterous destination.  

    In spite of pretense, discussion took place behind closed doors.





    http://www.boston.com/news/local/massachusetts/articles/2011/06/20/gambling_debate_goes_on_behind_closed_doors/?page=full

    Gambling debated behind closed doors

    Critics say public left without a role

    By Noah Bierman
    Globe Staff / June 20, 2011
    House Speaker Robert A. DeLeo stood in front of his office last week and declared that state government has become “a whole lot more transparent than it’s ever been,’’ as a result of the corruption case in which his predecessor, Salvatore F. DiMasi, had just been convicted.
    But only two days earlier, DeLeo met behind closed doors with Governor Deval Patrick and Senate President Therese Murray to hash out what could prove to be one of the most controversial bills of the year— a deal to legalize gambling.

    The negotiations have been intermittently acknowledged on Beacon Hill, but never detailed publicly. Yet whatever emerges from those talks will probably dictate what the final bill could look like.

    “We’re making progress,’’ Patrick said last Monday after his weekly meeting with Murray and DeLeo, adding that the discussion focused on how many slot parlors to allow in the state. “We’re not quite there, but that’s the kind of conversation we’re having.’’

    Despite promises about transparency, often the most critical decisions on Beacon Hill happen this way, with little meaningful input from anyone outside the small circle of the State House’s top three leaders.

    “The public’s entitled to more, particularly now,’’ said Scott Harshbarger, a Democrat, referring to the embarrassment caused by DiMasi’s conviction.

    “If the only way you can do this is getting a deal behind closed doors, it strikes me as tone deaf.’’

    While there have been no allegations of corruption related to the casino debate, Harshbarger echoed a critique made by others — that the DiMasi trial cast a spotlight on the pitfalls of concentrating excessive power in only a few hands.

    Centralized authority provides special interests an opportunity for outsize influence, Harshbarger said.

    But members of the general public, lacking knowledge of what is being discussed, have no way to tell their representatives their opinions. And even those representatives may be shut out of the process.

    “It’s an outrage,’’ said Kathleen Conley Norbut, senior adviser for the interest group United to Stop Slots in Massachusetts. “If the decisions are only made by two people or three people, what’s the sense of having a Legislature?’’

    Patrick, DeLeo, and Murray have said they support casinos but have been unable to agree on the details. They argue that the casino debate has been aired fully in public over the last four years, since Patrick first proposed authorizing resort-style casinos in the state. Last year’s floor debate in the Senate took eight days.

    And the current Legislature held a daylong hearing on the issue in May.

    But none of the three leaders would comment directly for this story, instead issuing statements or referring comment to their representatives.

    DeLeo said in a statement that the urgency for state revenue and jobs demands that he work to find a consensus with Patrick and Murray.

    “This issue has been the subject of thorough public discussion — having been heard three times in consecutive sessions, debated in the Legislature twice, and intensely scrutinized by the public last year,’’ he said. “Any proposed bill will again be debated and voted on in the respective branches.’’

    Murray’s spokesman, David Falcone, said in a statement, “We expect the same level of scrutiny and transparency this year.’’

    Patrick’s spokesman, Brendan Ryan, said in an interview that any agreement among the top three would be subject to further scrutiny on its way through the full legislative process.

    “The meetings in leadership are characterized as high level, and I don’t think that they’re getting into any detail,’’ Ryan said.

    At least one gambling opponent agrees.

    Representative William N. Brownsberger, a Belmont Democrat, said there are too many conversations in the legislative process to hold all of them on the floor of the House or Senate.

    “Ultimately, there has to be a debate when there’s something that they want to put forward,’’ said Brownsberger.

    Patrick has said repeatedly in recent months that last year’s prolonged public debate on gambling sucked “too much oxygen’’ from the political atmosphere, crowding out other priorities. Private negotiations may be a reaction to that.

    “The goal is to make sure there are no nonstarters’’ among Patrick, DeLeo, and Murray before initiating a broader legislative debate, Ryan said.

    Some lobbyists say that the three top players are working out most of the deal in private so that whoever gives ground in a compromise can save face.






    Last year’s negotiations ended in public finger-pointing after the sides failed to reach a deal, despite a general agreement among Patrick, Murray, and DeLeo that the state should legalize casinos.

    They ultimately disagreed over whether to allow race tracks to set up slot machine parlors that would compete alongside more traditional full-scale casinos.

    Patrick has indicated at times that he is willing to allow one slot parlor in addition to three full-scale casinos. DeLeo has gone as low as two slot parlors, but said in a WCVB interview scheduled to run yesterday morning that he was “willing to compromise even more than I did before to get it done.’’

    “There’s an evolving consensus that they’re very close and that this will happen in July,’’ said one lobbyist, who asked not to be named because of the sensitivity of the negotiations. “Everybody’s giving a little bit. When you’re in an environment like that, it’s really, really, really sensitive and there needs to be a lot of trust, and that’s why you’re not seeing a lot of it in public.’’

    Senator James Eldridge, an Acton Democrat who opposes gambling, said the Legislature has become more transparent in recent years, but that the DiMasi trial highlighted that there was still work to be done.

    Illustrating the point, he said his only confirmation about the current gambling negotiations came from news accounts.

    Noah Bierman can be reached at nbierman@globe.com. Follow him on Twitter @noahbierman.